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Unarmed Accompaniment
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From January 23 to 29 our featured resouce people, organizations and community members provided wonderful insights and their experiences regarding unarmed accompaniment.

Unarmed Accompaniment: Protecting human rights defenders so they can continue their important work! Human rights defenders do their work in unpredictable and often dangerous situations and conditions around the world. Unarmed accompaniment provides a powerful witness to those who may wish to harm defenders, letting them know their actions will be known.

If you missed that time period, don't worry, you can still add your comments, questions and ideas. The discussion remains open for the community to continue the exchange. The only change is that the featured resource people have returned to their daily commitments and may not have the opportunity to respond.

To add your comments to the discussion, make sure you are logged in (no login id? become a member now).

Table of Contents

The following table of contents was developed to make the dialogue easier to navigate. Important themes and different discussions have been highlighted for archival purposes and for new users. The preferred method of viewing the comments is with "Thread list - expanded" option, which is explained here. A list of resources mentioned in the dialogue can be found here.

Exploring Definitions

Training, Methods, and Theory

Issues of Gender

Community Building

Experiences

 


Liam Mahony NP Team in Uniform
Colombia CPT Team

Clockwise from Top Left: Liam Mahony, from the network members of Peace Brigades International, Nonviolent Peaceforce Team Two in Sri Lanka, and the ECAP Colombia Team and network members of the Christian Peacemaker Teams - CPT.

You can review the diverse and interesting biographical information of our featured practitioners.

Many organizations and people around the world have been involved in the amazing gift of providing unarmed protection to human rights defenders. This is not a new tactic - it probably dates back before written history - for bravery and sacrifice are as much a part of our human make-up as violence and self-gain. But we also know that tactics shift and change with the demands of the times. What has this tactic meant to us in OUR time?

Philippe Duhamel, in his inter-Tactica blog shares about his friend, Barbara, in "Heros and the courage to be there"

Philippe Duhamel wrote:
When my friend Barbara left in 1985, the whole accompaniment thing was barely starting. A small-scale intrepid outfit on a shoestring. She joined Peace Brigades International, to protect families of the disappeared in Guatemala.

David Grant, from the Nonviolence Peaceforce, shared with New Tactics that there are many organizations involved [over 80 organizations around the world in the Nonviolent Peaceforce Network] in providing unarmed accompaniment. Let's share where we have come in our time. One question Philippe posed in his blog: "How is accompaniment different in the various countries where projects are now underway?"

We welcome you to continue to share your experiences, comments, questions and ideas! Remember, although this discussion has been "archived", you may still continue and contribute to the discussion.

 

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kiradits's picture

Clarification on Defination

Hi,

 I am new to online discussion, so please excuse my ignorance.

 I  very much like to be part of this discussion so could you please let me know if I understood the topic correctly? 

Is "Unarmed accompaniment"= someone whom gives protection to another person working in the conflict region?

Using tactics like "Hey, beware I am watching him (the human right defender), so if anything happen to the guy I would know its you (the culprit).

If my understanding is correct. Does this means that Unarmed accompaniment actually know who is the culprit? If so, my question here is why the tactics work? Why do the culprit actually fear the "Unarmed accompaniment" threat to tell? 

I apologize if this is a very childish or basic/irrelevant questions.

Kiradit

liam's picture

who is the culprit?

Dear Kiradit,

This is by NO means an irrelevant question. Knowing who 'the culprit' is can be one of the most difficult stumbling blocks, because it is to some extent essential, and in many cases we cannot be sure. In fact, it is the uncertainty about who the culprit may be that perhaps adds to the security risk of the tactic.

Basically, though, accompaniment should involve an initial analysis which gives us sufficient confidence about the most probable source of threat, and enough confidence in our analysis of the interests and motivations of that source of threat to believe that they would be concerned about being observed or reported in their action. Whether this is a relatively anonymous abuser for whom notoriety would be something new, or an already heavily criticized violator who is sufferring some political setbacks from the embarrassment of being accused of such violations, and does not want to further add to the pressure.

If the source of threat (or their bosses) have no reason to be concerned about international observation, publicity, embarrassment or the moral pressure of a witness, it would be reasonable to doubt the protective impact of the tactic.

Fortunately, though, most of the research done to date suggests that perpetrators of politically-motivated human rights abuses usually have political interests and motivations that can be negatively affected by international pressure, even if these interests are not immediately obvious.

- Liam Mahony

DavidGrantNP's picture

Another aspect that is

Another aspect that is important here is the issue of partisanship or non-partisanship. Some unarmed accompaniment stems out of solidarity with the victim. But some stems out of concern to bring reconciliation between victim and perpetrator.  There is a distinction to be made between unarmed accompaniment for the sake of negatively influencing the perpetrators and unarmed accompaniment for the sake of positively influencing the victims.

    Human rights work has tended to 'naming and shaming'. That is the very useful nonviolent 'stick'. Non-partisan civilian intervention in violent conflict tends towards 'truth and reconciliation'. The equally useful nonviolent 'carrot'.

    Determining which to employ is a delicate balancing act. Organizations which explicitly use unarmed accompaniment have to decide where to place their emphasis. 

 

and David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office 

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

Eric Olfert's picture

More Africa

Eric

There is important wisdom here! 

First, to introduce myself briefly;  I spent 6 years ‘on the ground’ in West Africa doing development work with communities and churches, and then 9 years as a North America based agency administrator spending about 20% of my time travelling all over sub-Saharan Africa, visiting workers and local partners.  During that time I had many opportunities to engage in the informal or ‘unconscious’ types of accompaniment described by Liam.  I am currently a rather new member of the CPT Steering Committee. 

I find David’s definition of the stick and carrot very helpful.  I also resonate strongly with the importance of thinking in terms of creating space, and of the need for choices, tactics and directions to be firmly locally owned. 

I wonder whether one of the reasons ‘formal’ accompaniment organizations have not been able to develop strong engagements in Africa is that they tend to favour the ‘stick’ approach ('naming and shaming'), which, as suggested, is just not as effective in a continent which has difficulty in being noticed by the world.  But I also wonder if the ‘stick’ approach doesn’t somehow fail to resonate with traditional African understandings of peacemaking.   

My sense, after listening to many African elders and philosophers over the years is that healing or restoring society is a more profound and foundational traditional value than is ‘justice’.   I heard a sense that trying to defeat or diminish the opposition (by whatever tactics) is inferior/less desirable to somehow mending the torn fabric of society.  That is to say the truth and reconciliation ‘carrot’ David describes resonates much more deeply than the ‘stick’ with traditional African understandings. 

I remember Bishop Desmond Tutu coming to New York immediately after the fall of apartheid and wondering gently before the heads of American Churches if the South African church had not committed an error in taking up the task of leading the struggle against Apartheid.  He felt that the South African church’s role as a reconciler and healer of society had been compromised by the necessarily partisan role of leading the struggle.  His concern could not be heard at all by the American church leaders, but to me it sounded profoundly African.  Bishop Tutu went on to design and lead the South African Truth and Reconciliation process which is obviously ‘carrot’. 

I wonder if the creation of space should be seen in the African context not so much in terms of allowing for shifts in the balance of power, but more in terms of creating room for new possibilities.   By that I mean room for mending the social fabric, room for all agents in the conflict to ‘learn to see each other as human beings again’ (I heard this phrase frequently from Africans assessing potential conflict responses).

Eric

arend98's picture

Accompaniment in Africa

Dear experts,

I read with interest that there are over 80 organisations world wide providing accompaniment - I would like to get in touch with organisations working in Africa: could someone guide me?

David G: I am aware of Nonviolent Peaceforce's plans/project in Uganda - where do your activities stand at the moment?

My feel is that accompaniment is not much used in Africa - if that's correct, why would that be? do contexts on this continent (e.g. Zimbabwe, Gambia, Ethiopia, Sudan-Khartoum) not lend themselves for it? are providers not familiar enough with the contexts and backgrounds? Or am I not looking in the right direction?

Many thanks, arend98

liam's picture

accompaniment in africa

I would also be interested in knowing about the many organizations doing accompaniment that are not on the international radar screen.

Regarding the use of accompaniment in Africa - I think it is worth considering also that indirect or un-deliberate forms of accompaniment are being carried out all the time by people and organizations who are not explicitly using this terminology, not based in organizations with a mission to protect or deal with human rights, or often doing accompaniment as a by-product of carrying out a different mission.

For instance, CPT, PBI and NP have all done different forms of "community accompaniment," where instead of accompanying individual threatened activists, they are accompanying an entire community that may be under duress by making their presence visible there. But this reality can extend to a great many other institutions: humanitarian and development organizations, for instance, often have an international component of their presence and visits to communities facing threats, and through this, although they do not claim to be offerring any protection, the implicit protective value of the presence may often have the same impact. Similarly, the presence of international missionaries, UN agencies, journalists, individual solidarity activists, etc. can all have this impact through presence. So if we tried to count up the numebr of organizations who are doing accompaniment unconsciously or non-publicly - in Africa and elsewhere - the number would be far greater than the the few organizations that consciously and rigorously use the tactic.

In some cases, I think the protective impact of this unconscious or non-public accompaniment may be much higher than the impact of the organizations we are featuring here, because some of these are much larger well-known organization with greater political clout, whom an offending government is actually more worried about offending.

However, a big difference is that these other organizations are only implementing a fraction of the power of the tactic. Groups that are consciously and strategically using accompaniment are able to take greater advantage of the potential, by thinking tactically about exactly where to use their presence, how to back that presence up with political communication or public reporting or external solidarity, and with a longer-term commitment to follow-up on the needs of the people we focus on supporting.

In the research I did for the book "Proactive Presence," I found that the political dynamics that logically justify accompaniment as an effective tool were as evident in the African countries I looked at as they were in Latin America or Asia, even though the international institutions offerring this tactic were less presence there.

Liam

DavidGrantNP's picture

'80 organizations' refer to NP members

I am afraid that I was misquoted at the beginning. The '80 organizations' referred to are simply the member organizations of Nonviolent Peaceforce. Many of them do *not* explicitly practice unarmed accompaniment. But all of them support development of the concept. Nonetheless, Liam is perfectly correct to point out that there are many organizations who have a great influence in preventing violence merely by their willingness to engage in areas of violence and remain in support of local peacemakers.

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office 

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

npearson's picture

80 Nonviolent Peaceforce member organizations

Friends,

I must take the responsibility for the mistake. I'm afraid I misunderstood what David had shared about the number of organizations involved in providing accompaniment. My sincere apologies.

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics Program Manager

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics in Human Rights Program Manager

Thabo's picture

accompaniment in Africa

Hi Liam,

thanks for your thoughtful comments. several comments from the perspective of human rights defence in Zimbabwe (I am vicechair of the Human Rights Forum here, as well as NP connected). A key concept in our work in for example using the African Commission for Peoples and Human Rights is to use external and international means and institutions when domestic remedies are 'exhausted' (sometimes in many senses). Of course as a part of NP I believe in the value of international third party intervention, but my central concern (in Zimbabwe) is the building of capacities in this society for human rights defenders to protect and defend themselves, and to have the capacity to protect and defend each other, and the communities affected by or threatened by violence and abuse - so that the need for externals is reduced - so that the society become in a sense (another of these jargon phrases) conflict resilient. (we are doing a process to strengthen the protection and security of human rights defenders here in the coming weeks) 

Of course we are far from that in the continent, if one thinks of Darfur, or eastern Congo, or western Kenya just now, or the northern parts of Niger. A major difficulty in Africa has been and continues to be the nature of pollitico-military organisation within this period of chauvinistic nationalism, where almost all state or non-state armed factions consider that they 'represent the whole of society' , that 'the state is me' and yet that the different parties to conflicts are often very fluid and indeterminate. Some of the more successful local interventions occurred in welldefined conflict areeas such as Kwazulu Natal, where the network of independent monitors (NIM) did excellent work. The South African Peace Accord structures were another kindof domestic remedy. We're in ten days assessing the potential for such a process here in Zimbabwe -  a third-party process but almost institutionalised.

External  nonviolent accompaniment - interventions by groups for accompaniment - needs to have a clearcut 'frontier' to patrol. Despite the statist and authoritarian nature of governance in most of Africa, the noncoherence of governing and opposition groups makes the postioning of accompaniment very difficult - as we in NP have seen in our explorations of how to intervene in Northern Uganda.

Thanks again and looking forward to the debate  

John

  

 

thabo for change

be the change you propose

NOVASC  PO Box CY 369 Causeway Harare Zimbabwe

thabo for change

be the change you propose

NOVASC  PO Box CY 369 Causeway Harare Zimbabwe

Anthony Kelly's picture

Mainstreaming protection

Hi Liam,

I might take this opportunity to ask how you are percieving the mainstreaming of protection within the wider humanitarian and development sector at present. From my perspective in Australia, Oxfam and other agencies seem to be taking it up within their concept of field work and building it into project planning in some way or another. A large 'Protection' conference was held a couple of years ago in Melbourne, with all the small and larger ngo's represented, most of them hearing about PBI's work for the first time and exploring the concepts of humanitarian and human rights protection enthusiasticly. I'm sure this is happening elsewhere. I 've also noticed some useful training resources on protection work
coming from the humanitarian sector such as ALNAP's Protection Guide -
http://www.alnap.org/publications/guides_books.htm  

I'd be interested in hearing how you see this has progressed internationally in recent years and about the impact of the Proactive Presence book, and Protection Online in particular.

Anthony

 

Anthony Kelly

www.thechangeagency.org

cpt_colombia's picture

CPT's work in Africa

 

Christian
Peacemaker Teams (CPT) has done three exploratory delegations to the Great
Lakes Region in Africa (I believe they have visited Eastern Congo and Uganda). CPT’s website has a page outlining our work in
the region
, as well as report
from the 2006 delegation to the Democratic Republic of the Congo
. The most
recent delegation just returned around the first of the year, and delegation
members are meeting this week to review their findings and make a
recommendation about possibilities for future accompaniment in the region. If you are working in the Great Lakes region of Africa, CPT may be able to benefit from your experience.

I haven’t
worked directly with CPT’s Africa Great Lakes project, but my sense is that one
of the challenges to starting an ongoing accompaniment project there is that
many of the armed actors in the regions we’ve visited don’t appear to be very
responsive to international pressure. The
fear of outside scrutiny leading to international sanction is one of the things
that makes unarmed accompaniment effective in the areas that it’s used. In a sense, this is another way that the world
community’s neglect of African issues is playing itself out; given the context
of neglect armed actors don’t believe the international community will pay
attention to their abuses even with the presence of international accompaniers,
so accompaniment as a tactic can’t be as effective.

 

Nils Dybvig - Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia


Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia

Zsuzsanna.Kacso's picture

Hello to everybody. First

Hello to everybody.

First we would like to present ourselves as we would like to take part in the discussions althrough the week.

 My name is Zsuzsanna Kacso and I am participating in this discussion together with my colleague Corina Simon. We both work at the Peace Action, Training and Research Insititute of Romania (PATRIR).

PATRIR is interested in this tactical discussion as we are a member organisation of Nonviolent Peaceforce and the European Network of Civil Peace Services.  In the recent months we have developed what we call a  "Competency Framework" for peaceworkers engaged in their own community, presenting skills and knowledge necessary in the filed of peacebuilding and conflcit transformation. We would like to share these information and see how to better integrate them in the field work (i.e. unarmed accompaniment) and find viable assessment methodologies for these skills and knowledges.

Zsuzsa and Corina

 

Zsuzsanna Kacso, PATRIR

shenken's picture

"Competency framework"?

Hello, Zsuzsa and Corina,

I am interested in hearing more about your "competency framework" and the ways in which you are using it to train peaceworkers.

My name is Sarah Henken and I currently serve (from the U.S.)  as coordinator of the Presbyterian Accompaniment Program in Colombia. I hope some of our accompaniers will get involved in this discussion, and we are interested in learning about what other groups are doing. Thanks!

-Sarah 

Zsuzsanna.Kacso's picture

How we are using the competency framework

Dear Sarah,

The project in Moldova-Transdniestria, second year, wishes to focus on the capacity building of partner organizations resource persons from within the area mentioned above.

We are entering this period curently so the plan for using the framework is in its beginning phase.

After one year of the project in which some of the resource people have gone through trainings and capacity building activities, we now need to assess their level such that we can begin in a personalized manner.

The plan of capacity building in the second year involves very different types of activities: trainings, training of trainers, personal coaching with expert international peaceworkers, conflict mapping report writing, workshop facilitation, resource people training peacebuilding basics, resource people providing consultation for exisiting and new Peacebuilding projects.

The competency framework will be followed through all these activities in a certain manner, but mostly in the training of trainers and the coaching periods.

Another step of the implementation process is to see how this framework may be followed for capacity building of civil society representatives, the main target group of the project.

This is in short, the way we will use the competency framework in the Moldova-Transdniestria project.

PATRIR has several departments, one if them being the Department of Peace Operations. In this context the competency framework will guide other capacity building processes in the areas that we are engaged in.

 Best,

Corina and Zsuzsa

 

Zsuzsanna Kacso, PATRIR

Anthony Kelly's picture

Training

Helo
Zsuzsa and Corina,

I'm a nonviolence trainer from Australia and have been part of the development of a competency based training and assessment framework for PBI's Indonesia Project - which incorporates many protective accompaniement related 'compentencies'.  In fact what i've found is that every single aspect of the training for field volunteers/workers - from personal and group skills to security technigues, needs to centre around concepts of protection.  - I'd be certainly be interested in you work and discussing more.

Its exciting the amount of work going into improving the quality and extent of peaceworker training around the world at present.The 'Preparing Adults for Peacework and Nonviolent Intervention in Conflicts Guide' is certainly great work and may be what you have been involved with within Partir?

www.peacetraining.org/files/materials/PeaceTraining_guide.pdf

Anthony


 

Anthony Kelly

www.thechangeagency.org

Zsuzsanna.Kacso's picture

Dear Anthony, Very nice

Dear Anthony, Very nice meeting you online.We have started to compile such a  framework together due to one of our major projects running in Moldova-Transdniestria, called: "Cooperative Peace Project". The scope of the project is to engage with a wide range of actors at all levels of the Moldovan and Transdniestrian society to enable and support the peaceful transformation of conflicts within and between Moldova and Transdniestria. Over the next three years the project will raise the awareness of the local civil society of their roles and capacities toward peace building and conflict transformation and will engage social actors to build resources and capacities for peacebuilding and conflict transformation and directly support and contribute to local peacebuilding and conflict transformation efforts. These critical steps toward peacebuilding and conflict transformation will be supported through training programmes, conflict mapping, the development of future visions shared by the parties for transforming the current conflicts, collaborative initiatives for building resources and mechanisms for peacebuilding and conflict transformation, and a commitment to a sustainable peace in Moldova-Transdniestria (M-T).The Competency Framework is the bases of the #2 Year Capacity Building Process for resource people of the local partner organisations.At this point, as the framework is still in development, we are looking at several categories of knowledge and skills, assessment mechanisms for them and existing resources through which the knowledge and skills can be developed.  We have touched upon: peacebuilding – overall knowledge, personal attitudes, personal skills.PATRIR has been contributing to develop further the field of peace training within the ARCA project that you have mentioned and also, through within the SOCRATES project “Development of a Curriculum for Training of Trainers in Non-violent Conflict Transformation”. The manual can be found at: www.trainingoftrainers.org

What we find difficult to gather information on is the assessment methodology of the existing and acquired skills/ knowledge of the peaceworkers before, during and after a capacity building process. How do you see this assessment process going on?

 

Zsuzsa and Corina

Zsuzsanna Kacso, PATRIR

DavidGrantNP's picture

Nonviolent Peaceforce has many representatives here

I wanted to make sure that all participants in this online discussion understand that I am here mostly as a 'figurehead'. Nonvioent Peacefore is composed of eighty member organizations on all continents. We have a couple dozen unarmed civilian peacekeepers deployed in Sri Lanka and the Philippines. We have regional coordinators in six locations as well as other staff and volunteers widely spread. All of these are invited to participate and many of them will, I hope, identify themselves as Nonviolent Peaceforce contributors to this discussion.

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office 

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

npearson's picture

Fostering collaborations - combining carrot & stick tactics

It can be very useful for organizations to understand how their different tactics can compliment each other to more effectively further their goals. As David mentions in his post: Another aspect that is states, "Human rights work has tended to 'naming and shaming'. That is the very useful nonviolent 'stick'. Non-partisan civilian intervention in violent conflict tends towards 'truth and reconciliation'. The equally useful nonviolent 'carrot'."

This is a very important issue to raise and for organizations to examine. We can sometimes get into the mindset that our partner organizations or those organizations that we build collaborative relationships with must be implementing the same tactics that we are to be considered our allies in the work. We are missing tremendous opportunities when we limit ourselves in that way.

Take for example an organization that is trying to build a working relationship with a military commander on the ground to enhance community safety, the organization may not be in the best position to take a hard "naming and shaming" stance because it can undermine that delicate relationship builing process. But one of their partner or collaborative organizations could certainly take that hard stance to ensure that specific situations and actions are brought to light and addressed. This "carrot and stick" tactical approach carried out by two different organizations can make it possible to develop needed relationships on the ground while maintaining accountability for actions.

It would be great to hear more about the diversity of partnerships and collaborations needed to make unarmed accompaniment effective - at the local, national and international levels.

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics Program Manager

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics in Human Rights Program Manager

corina.simon's picture

From the lessons of NP - collaboration with the armed forces

Dear Nancy, 

 In August 200, Nonviolent Peaceforce in cooperation with PATRIR in the context of the ARCA project organized a Core Training for Civilian Peace Teams in Sovata, Romania. After a full month when the participants were first assessed and then started on the training, they had the possibility of doing a joint simulation with the Romanian Army. I was involved in this simulation as one of the volunteers. 

 At the debrief at the end, both parties found it very helpful this collaboration in joint training. In the simulation were involved many recently joined soldier as well as people who had been in international missions in Irak and Afghanistan. Their attitudes to the training were diverse: some considered it a duty, some saw it as a break from their normal routine, some were actively engaged in it, some not so much. The Nonviolent Peaceforce trainees seemed to be engaged in the training, this was on the basis of much tiredness after the full month of intensive training.

This type of collaboration appeared to me beneficial as it prepares the army to interact with other types of actors that might appear in a specific conflict area and to the NP trainees it gave them a direct interaction with an armed force and the type of organization and training that the armed forces have. 

 Another important thing is that unarmed accompaniment is likely to develop credibility with armed forces personnel and a greater understanding from them in such a way that they can both prepare in the eventuality of an encounter in an area and possibly even act as partners.

You can read the account of Phil Esmond, NP Capacity Building Director by clicking here...

Best wishes,

Corina Simon 

Peace Action, Training and Research Institute of Romania (PATRIR), Cluj-Napoca

Peace Action, Training and Research Institute of Romania (PATRIR), Cluj-Napoca

npearson's picture

Creative unarmed accompaniment training example w/armed forces

Corina,

Thank you for sharing this very creative way in which to train both those going into the field to provide accompaniment to human rights defenders but to also engage and educate military forces about unarmed accompaniment. It's a wonderful way to influence the thinking, perceptions and understanding of military personne. I think your assessment is accurate, this method of training allows for engagement "to develop credibility with armed forces personnel and a greater understanding from them in such a way that they can both prepare in the eventuality of an encounter in an area and possibily even act as partners."

The potential to see each other as potential partners is already a huge step. It is difficult to overcome fears and preconceptions of the "other". This is not to say that good, concrete methods of analysis should be overlooked. But recognizing that there can be significant allies in unexpected places. Having such training experiences can give people some insights about what to look for under those situations.

What other kinds of training are people receiving before entering the communities where you are providing unarmed accompaniment? and

What of that training have you found most helpful to you "on the ground" in your day to day activities.

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics Program Manager

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics in Human Rights Program Manager

corina.simon's picture

Preparing for working "on the ground"

Dear Nancy, 

My "on the ground" work is that of occasional visits for joint programme coordination of a peacebuilding project for civil society and meetings with civil society workers. In this respect what has proven very useful for me is my training in Nonviolent Communication (communication method by Marshall Rosenberg) and the awareness about my role and responsibilities there.

Communicating with empathy and honesty and respectful of the people that I work and engage with has saved many situations and has enabled me to create meaningful connections with people there.

I do not practice NVC in a strict manner, I mostly use the philosophy behind it in order to effectively communicate to people and understand their reality as it impacts the programme.

That is part of my experience in working within Moldova-Transdniestria. 

 With respect to what else I would benefit from in working there. Language lessons. Romanian helps me to understand and speak with a part of the people, but in order to have the views complete I am learning Russian. I am using now translation, yet I am aware that it is providing a limited connection. Using the native language is something that I see very important in building confidence and working effectively.

Corina 

Peace Action, Training and Research Institute of Romania (PATRIR), Cluj-Napoca

Peace Action, Training and Research Institute of Romania (PATRIR), Cluj-Napoca

npearson's picture

Training and skills for "on the ground" work

Corina,

Thank you for sharing these useful tips. Communication and language are so important but I'm especially struck by your comment, "Communicating with empathy and honesty and respectful of the people that I work and engage with has saved many situations and has enabled me to create meaningful connections with people there." Empathy, honesty and respect transcend language but people can feel the difference no matter what language you're using.

I'd like to bring attention to another New Tactics community member who shared another very inspiring story about how being very respectful of the "other" and altering a communication method allowed them to "reach" that opposition in a different way. Although they didn't succeed in their initially stated goal, they did act in line with their strategic goal. An excellent example of flexibility. To see his comments, go to Keeping Tactics Aligned with Strategy.

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics Program Manager

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics in Human Rights Program Manager

liam's picture

re: another aspect that is

David,

I think your distinction between the human rights approach and the nonviolent civilian intervention approach is much oversimplified - and some of the best evidence for this comes from the experience of accompaniment organizations once they really establish themselves on the ground: there is a tendency to gravitate towards a great many of the same practical activities and impact regardless of the diverse range of apparently different philosophical bases (which is not as diverse as some of their rhetoric might suggest, if you really look at the commitments of the individuals involved, where you will often find both approaches prominent.) .

It might be useful to elaborate on the distinction you make. Are you suggesting that accompaniment of (potential) victims serves a reconciliation purpose if done in a certain way? I am dubious, but interested. If one's fundamental objective is to have a reconciliatory impact on abusers, protective accompaniment would not be the logical way to pursue it, because it has so repeatedly proven difficult-to-impossible to create an external image of non-partisanship while engaged in accompaniment of particular groups or people.

In some situations there may be 'reconciliatory' by-products of the accompaniment role, but it is rare. It is probably more common that the presence of accompaniment is viewed by abusers as somewhere between a threat and an inconvenience - either of which impacts might have some protective value, but are not likely to contribute to reconciliation (assuming reconciliation is a relevant outcome in the given circumstances.)

I have interviewed quite a few military and government authorities, even armed group members, about their perceptions of accompaniment processes. They are often respectful - sometimes for diplomatic reasons; in one case I even felt like a Guatemalan General was actually honestly expressing respect for our willingness to take such high risks, something he considered analagous to the his commitment as a soldier. On the other hand they are sometimes angry, defensive and perceive us to be further polarizing local relationships. Even in the respectful case, I wouldn't stretch this to the point of saying it was a "reconciliatory' role.

There are many other organizations engaged in mediation and reconciliation in conflicts, and these are also a form of nonviolent conflict intervention. But usually a reconciliatory approach requires great care about projecting a non-partisan image, in order to keep the idalogue open with all parties. These are generally not organiziations doing accompaniment.

PBI has been involved in both approaches. PBI had a five-year project in Haiti in the 1990s of training and support for the development of capacities for nonviolent conflict resolution. Interestingly, though, this was not a project that put a heavy focus on accompaniment. In North America in the 1990s, PBI had a project focused on dialogue and reconciliation in some violent struggles involving native peoples in Canada and the US, but again this was not mixed with protective accompaniment. The problem I see is that once we say we are having a protective impact, here is an implicit accusation perceived by other parties. it is not easy to overcome.

-Liam

 

- Liam 

DavidGrantNP's picture

Regarding the 'carrot', not the 'stick'

One thing Nonviolent Peaceforce makes a point of is saying that we are not there to 'bring peace', but rather to support and encourage local people who want to fight for their rights, as they see those rights, but without killing each other. We began -- with some of the founders of Peace Brigades being also some of the founders of NP -- primarily thinking about the power of 'the stick' ... of being 'the eyes of the world' ... and thus pushing the perpetrators of human rights violations back into their shadowy lairs.

But as it has turned out -- without doing much of the one-on-one accompaniment that PBI has specialized in -- that the overall encouragement and support ... more generally to the communities at larger ... simply by being in dangerous areas where other international NGOS are not willing, for instance, to overnight ... by that indication of standing-with, a positive and more subtle power than 'standing-against' ... we've managed to help some local peacemakers expand their work. 

    At times this approach is frustrating for our team members since they are enjoined to *not* raise their voices. Sometimes it is better to keep a low profile, despite observation of abuse.

    There are also the extremely complicated constraints of maintaining political legitimacy with those who issue visas and work permits.

    One of the most vexing problems, somewhat related, is the fact that, by and large, our activities have only a local effect. Sometimes we are asked "Well, why haven't you stopped the war in Sri Lanka?" Since the Ceasefire Agreement was just officially ended by the government, this isn't a surprising question. But, again, it is not we who ever made any claim in that regard. It is only the people engaged in the conflict who can end it. And yet ...

    And yet Nonviolent Peaceforce was created with large-scale deployments in mind. For the sake of making national impact. We have not gotten there yet.

 

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office 

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

shenken's picture

To speak, or not to speak... and to whom?

David,

I'd be interested in hearing more of the thought process behind your statement above, how your team members (or some of them?) "are enjoined to *not* raise their voices. Sometimes it is better to keep a low profile, despite observation of abuse."

The question of who should speak out when, from where, and to whom, is one that we continue to sort out and reevaluate. We have some basic guidelines about what to do in different situations;  political accompaniment and advocacy is a part of our work with Colombia. But the question remains, and is often raised by our members. I agree in principle that it is sometimes better to keep a low profile, but I'd be interested in knowing more about what you mean.

Is it a universal enjoinder of NP that team members not raise their voices?Perhaps I need clarification: is a distinction drawn between physically speaking up in the moment of observation and actions taken later on to respond to or denounce the abuse? Does NP raise a voice on some other level as an organization, instead of the individual team members?   

 -Sarah 

DavidGrantNP's picture

To speak or not to speak...

This is really a difficult area. There is a spectrum of what 'non-partisanship' means. At one end we might cite the International Committee of the Red Cross. They have a mandate, legally recognized, to protect prisoners and wounded. They learn about many violations and sometimes atrocities, but almost always do not make any public statements. Their mandate requires them to report only to governments. Their maintenance of 'public silence' allows them to continue to have access to highly-sensitive information. And insures that they effectively protect the most vulnerable.

Nonviolent Peaceforce has generally declined to endorse petitions or statements. Since 'perceptions matter', even those petitions which might seem 'objectively balanced' often end up, later on, misunderstood to be partisan. And to be seen as for one side or against another would not only diminish our 'strength', it might make it absolutely impossible to be present at all.

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

kantin's picture

The advocacy dilemma of unarmed accompaniment

This dilemma interests me greatly, and I think many organizations dealing with human rights issues can relate. When you have an organization whose mandate is to protect, treat, rehabilite, etc their clients that are under threat or are victims of human rights abuses, it is often difficult to risk the ability to perform this important work in order to denounce the government that is responsible.  Finding this balance is a very real dilemma.

Human rights advocates recognize the importance of  the 'naming and shaming' of governments responsible for human rights abuses. Human rights organizations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch use this tactic quite successfully.  On the other hand, there are many organizations whose mandate is to treat and protect those victims of human rights abuses, or those under threat of abuse (like the ICRC). 

For those that specialize in 'naming and shaming', a necessary part of gathering documentation of these human rights abuses involves collecting data from on-the-ground organizations working directly with the victims of these abuses. It is understandable that these on-the-ground organizations are cautious to speak out directly against the government, but getting this data to those human rights organizations whose mandate is to publicize abuses might be a great avenue for advocating on behalf of these victims (or those under threat).  

Does the 'accompaniment community' get contacted often from human rights organizations such as these? What kinds of relationships are there between your 'on-the-ground' organizations and the international human rights community?

Kristin Antin, New Tactics Online Community Builder

Kristin Antin, New Tactics Online Community Builder

liam's picture

Is there really an advocacy dilemma?

The advocacy dilemma mentioned in this series of comments is a very troubling and controversial one. In my experience, the presumption that advocacy will result in a curtailment of access to victims, or a prevention of ones ability to deliver services, is one of the most frequent justifications for silence.

To my knowledge, though, there is no clear empirical evidence to prove the validity of this assumption. There is a great deal of evidence that it is easier for field operations to be silent than to speak out. But whether that speaking out is going to limit ones ability to provide protection or support for people on the ground - that is a different question. There is plenty of anecdotal evidence in both directions: there are organizations who have carried out courageous advocacy on the ground, and as a result have had their staff threatened, their managers expelled, and in a few cases their organization's expelled. The experiences of some humanitarian organizations like MSF in Darfur comes to mind.

 

In addition, there are some particularly sensitive location and particularly xenophobic governments (Indonesia comes to mind) who have a very low tolerance for international presence and advocacy and are more likely to limit access.

But there is also a lot of anecdotal evidenc and casesin the other direction: countless cases of human rights and humanitarian organizations who have spoken out publicly about abuses they witness and not suffered any loss of access or capacity as a result.  There are other organizations who have chosen to remain pragmatically silent in horrible situations, and have lost a great dal of credibility and legitimacy as a result.

One thing I am certain of: one cannot assert any blanket conclusion that outspoken advocacy will limit an organization's ability to function. There are too many cases of productive work combined with good advocacy, even in setting where the initial presumption might be that the two could not be combined.

There is an alternative power analysis of this dilemma possible: the power to carry out effective advocacy is exactly one of the powers that accompaniment organizations have to protect people with. If our presence did not represent to abusers some risk of advocacy against them, arguably our presence would matter a great deal less to them. If they know that can blackmail us into silence by holding over our heads the constant threat of expulsion of blokcing our access to those we help, Then there is less reason for them to feel deterred by our presence.

This leads me to this poentially controversial assertion: an organization that is completely unwilling to risk expsulion, and willing to be silent for that reason, is an organization without power. No power to protect. I do not say this speaking for PBI, which has generally been very quiet on the grounds of this alleged dilemma. I say it as a logical consequence of the power analysis that justifies accompaniment. Our presence protects and our organizations are able to sustain their presence because they are perceived to have enough power to make it not in the interests of states to expel us. When we engage in advocacy overtly, two contradictory things happen: on the one hand we raise the cost of our presence, creating a greater incentive to get rid of us. At the same time we raise our quotient of power, demonstrating the potential greater advocacy and pressure that could result if they act against us further. it becomes a tough judgment call.

But if we never raise our voice, our quotient of power steadily diminishes, and even our risk of expulsion increases, because if we are seen as powerless, there is little cost associated with getting rid of us.

 

-Liam 

 

kiradits's picture

Effectiveness of tactics

Hello Liam and Everyone,

 Thank you for your response. So basically for this tactic to work we need to know or atleast have some idea who are behind the violence.

I also understand from the discussion that being accompaniment , in a way helps take pressure of confrontation off the direct organization working with the local institution (either government or the culprit itself). Which can be challenging.....

Than also that this tactic might not work everytime if the culprit does not ease to international pressure. For example, I am not sure how much news was broadcast in Thailand during the Polpot's regime. Why no strong action were taken when 2 million people were being killed within just 3.8 years. Similar to what might be going on in Africa?

Also given the new way terrorist are working, they have changed I believe. Most 'do not' wish to take direct responsibility for their action anymore. The fear of 'unknown' seems to work best for them. It induces both fear and helps confuse the attempt from authority to resolve the conflicts.

I am in Thailand, everyday people (most of whom are normal citizens) are being killed or injured on a daily basis. The violence have continued for 4 years already and it is still a big mystery who exactly is responsible for the action. Plus I wonder if this unrest is known at international level.   

Throughout this discussion, I would like to gain as much knowledge as possible on this or any other tactics that might fits the situation of unrest in Thailand. I belive every problem is new and unique so we should approach it individually. But I also believe that Human being can be different but similar as well. So does the nature of conflicts and its solution.  

Regards,

Kiradit

Jan Passion's picture

Other resources on accompaniment and more...

Kiradit,

I am glad you a part of this discussion. I also want to highlight some of the extensive resources available to increase our learning and sharing... I'll list just a few here:

http://www.hdcentre.org/Civilian+protection+publications This site has Liam's latest work and other work as well...

http://trainingforchange.org/content/view/111/33/ will bring you to a manual on THIRD-PARTY NONVIOLENT INTERVENTION by George Lakey and Daniel Hunter.

Liam also co-wrote a book "Unarmed Bodyguards" which is very useful:
Mahony, L. and Eguren, E. Unarmed
Bodyguards, International Accompaniment for the Protection of Human Rights
, West
Hartford, Kumarian Press,
1997.

And just a few others:

Moser-Puangsuwan, Y and
Weber, T, editors. Nonviolent
Intervention Across
Borders: A Recurrent Vision
, University of Hawaii Press, 2000.

Sharp, G. The Politics of Nonviolent
Action
, Boston: Porter Sargent, 1973.

Weber, T. Gandhi’s
Peace Army, The Shanti Sena and Unarmed Peacekeeping
,
Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1996.

Griffin-Nolan, E. Witness for Peace: A story of Resistance,
Louisville, John Knox
Press, 1991.

http://www.nonviolentpeaceforce.org/en/feasibilitystudy Brings you to:

Feasibility Study

The
Nonviolent Peaceforce Feasibility Study was undertaken by an
international team of researchers whose efforts were coordinated by
Christine Schweitzer, currently Programme Director for NP. Each chapter
is a large file and the entire document is well over 300 pages.

Happy reading!

Peace,

Jan

Jan
Passion -- Programme Officer, Nonviolent Peaceforce

Jan
Passion -- Programme Officer, Nonviolent Peaceforce
+1 (925) 687-2555

BetsyCrites's picture

Accompaniment in generalized violence and impunity

Greetings from Guatemala. 

 

I work with Nonviolent Peaceforce as the coordinator of our 4 person team accompanying human rights defenders here. 

 

Responding to some of the issues raised from the perspective of recent field experience:

 

Perpetrators:  Here the violence is quite diffused.  Years ago it was fairly clear that pressure applied on the government would reach the perpetrators for the reasons Liam listed (embarrassment, international witnesses, bad publicity, political setbacks etc.).  Now the violence is generalized and the perpetrators are often organized crime, narco traffickers, independent security forces, some paramilitary and govt. security forces, and police.  The government is complicit in allowing almost complete impunity.  There are roughly 5,000 murders a year for which less than 2 % are even taken to the stage of a trial.  

 

Risk Analysis:  Human Rights Defenders have more than the usual guess work to do in this context.  They watch patterns of activity, the frequency and nature of threats, and try to weigh the odds.  They are often unsure whether those who threaten them have any higher authority to which they respond.  More likely, because organized crime has so effectively infiltrated the government, they (the perpetrators) exercise control over the government officials.  (Similar to military governments of the past in that sense.)

 

Emphasis for Accompaniment:  In this context, the emphasis for accompaniment has been on imparting a sense of security to the defenders so that they can continue their work.  They don’t feel alone, which can be a big factor, so they carry on.  It is extremely hard to judge whether there is a deterrent factor to anyone who might be watching our accompaniment.

 

Other Experiences?  I would welcome comments from anyone who has experience with accompaniment in this kind of generalized violence where it’s difficult to point the finger.  The war is officially over, but the death rate is about the same.  Assassins know the state institutions are so weak, they have a 98% chance of not even being bothered. The levers of power have not felt sufficiently embarrassed to strengthen their institutions or it’s not in their interest. 

(The exception may be the novel opening to an International Commission Against Impunity, which will be staffed by international experts and nationals for two years.  They will try to get a handle on organized crime and its process of infiltration.)

 

Betsy Crites

Nonviolent Peaceforce in Guatemala

Betsy Crites

Nonviolent Peaceforce in Guatemala

liam's picture

on knowing who is responsible

Betsy Crites' comments from Guatemala adds important nuances to my earlier points on how important it is to know the source of threat. There are many other settings like Guatemala today where this is ever-harder to pinpoint. Does accompaniment "not work" in these settings? Well, I would not go that far.

I do think it is more uncertain, and perhaps alot more risky. When I worked in Guatemala in the mid 1980s, I knew we were facing a horrific genocidal machine of control-freak military design, in which death squads responded to military imperatives most of the time. Horrible, but nonetheless predictable.

When we don't know who it is, or we know the violence is coming from economic or illegal forces who are difficult to reach with international pressure - the uncertainty level is huge.

But there are still a few positive points to consider. For instance, Betsy points out the huge level of impunity in Guatemala, where 2% of assassinations are prosecuted. We should consider that the justice system in Guatemala is likely to be under considerably greater international pressure to respond and prosecute a case in which there was international observation and attention. The cases "we are watching" may have a better chance of being part of that 2%. If this understanding of the potential pressure for state reaction is also understood by perpetrators, than arguably that reflects some deterrent value, because they would have less interest in attacking in a situation where their impunity would be less assured.

More generally, in a place like Guatemala, with its long history of accompaniment by so many organizations over time, there is a possibility of a stronger official perception that the whole country is being accompanied and watched - even on a policy level, where they know that levels of impunity, failure of fulfillment of peace accords, or other official actions are not going to go unnoticed, especially when they related to specific organizations being accompanied. One can hope, at least, as it would be impossible to empirically verify. 

The unsettling risk, though, is that we need to be careful that the solidarity of our presence is not projecting a sense of safety to people that exceeds its actual deterrent value.  This is nearly impossible to ensure, since local people will draw their own conclusions about what difference our presence makes. But at least the conscious accompaniment organizations understand the vital importance of a humble dialogue process with those we accompany, in which we can do our best to keep protective expectations a reasonably low level.

- Liam

npearson's picture

Impunity and Perception of Space to Act

Reality-PerceptionThere is a wonderful illustration of the political costs and perceptions available in Liam's tactical notebook, Side by Side (found on page 15). I'll share here Figure 7 from that page. The diagram provides a way to understand how accompaniment expands the political space for the person being accompanied - making it possible for them to continue to do their work. At the same time accompaniment reduces the polictical space and ability to of those wishing to do harm to carry out those actions with impunity, or with few consequences.

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics Program Manager

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics in Human Rights Program Manager

DavidGrantNP's picture

The problem of criminal violence

I remember being asked once if unarmed accompaniment was meant to address 'root causes'. I replied essentially not. The questioners, Muslim students in the Philippines, were disappointed because 'root causes' was their concern.

The point has been made that unarmed accompaniment is not intended to stop a conflict. To do that would simply lock in the status quo, no matter how unjust that might status quo be. Rather the point of 'nonviolent non-partisan civilian peacekeeping' is to allow -- one might even say 'encourage' -- the conflict to continue, but by nonviolent means.

When it comes to criminal violence, however, that goal becomes moot. The 'force' against criminal violence, without firearms, that I immediately think of are the British 'bobbies' who patrolled locally with nothing more lethal than sticks. Same, I suppose, of many police I have seen around the world who have only lathis. Not that those billy clubs, lathis and sticks can not be lethal. But in all cases these police without firearms do 'carry' with them, to more or less extent -- depending upon the fairness of their actions -- a level of moral authority. After the Partition of India from Pakistan in the late 1940's, Gandhi and his followers used their much greater 'moral authority' to walk between rioting mobs of Hindus and Muslims.

   But, again, regarding criminal violence, it seems possibly more effective for local people to become directly involved. Community policing contains aspects of this. As does the original "Shanti Sena" ('peace force', Hindi) in India. They were village development workers, very local, dependent upon local financial support (living very simply) ... and trained and available to go to areas of violence, on call, only in times of crisis. But, again, that was political violence, not criminal.

 

 

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office 

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

Kingsley Ayettey's picture

"Community Accompaniment"

Warm greetings from Sri Lanka!

I am involved in "the amazing gift of providing unarmed protection" in Sri Lanka, working with the Nonviolent Peaceforce (NP), as a Field Team Member. NP provides international nonviolent protection using three of the four main Third Party Nonviolent Intervention (TPNI) methods, namely, presence, monitoring/observation and accompaniment. Inter-positioning, being the fourth, has not been utilized.  

 Hitherto, I have seen presence and unarmed accompaniment as two different tools in the 'toolsbox' of TPNI methods, though intertwined...and NP is consciously and strategically using unarmed accompaniment in our work in Sri Lanka. We have found this tactic to be critical to the overall impact of our project.

Liam's use of the term "Community Accompaniment" to reflect the image of "...accompanying an entire cummunity that may be under duress by making their presence visible there..." is good learning for me personally. Thanks, Liam!

Would gladly share my unarmed accompaniment experiences as the discussion unfolds...

 

Kingsley Ayettey

Field Team Member

Nonviolent Peaceforce Sri Lanka

Kingsley Ayettey

Mankind's Advancement, Upliftment & Development (MAUD)

cpt_colombia's picture

CPT's use of the community accompaniment model

“Community accompaniment” is an important tactic for Christian
Peacemaker Teams (CPT). The Colombia team has always focused its
accompaniment work on communities rather than individuals. We let the
communities determine what they need; sometimes it is a general
physical presence throughout a community or a specific physical
presence at a meeting where there is a risk of violence or
intimidation. At other times the community may request protective
accompaniment of a few threatened leaders as they travel through a
conflict area or after they have received threats.

Usually, our
accompaniment has a political component as well. Our political
accompaniment of a community might include visibilizing their goals
and the threats against them to an international audience, advocating
for foreign policy changes in the U.S. or Canada, or mobilizing
supporters in responding to action alerts. We always involve the
community in the process to define the accompaniment we will provide.

There are challenges involved in accompanying communities:
defining who is the community and who speaks for the community,
deciding when you've received sufficient community input, managing
relationships with multiple community members rather than a small
group of leaders, but community accompaniment is at the core of CPT's
work.

Nils Dybvig - Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia


Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia

shenken's picture

Community accompaniment

Thanks for your comment, Nils.

This is a similar approach to what we have been doing with the Presbyterian Church of Colombia (in fact, as I understand it, CPT helped us get started and oriented in late 2005 when we were invited to Colombia).

Since our presence in Colombia grows out of a pre-existing partnership between our denominations in the US and Colombia, the question of defining the community is straight-forward in many ways. The question of representation is still important, though, and we need to be careful about the ways in which we become invested in the internal church politics of the other church. As we work with a community that continues its own natural cycle of rotating leadership, how do we maintain an appropriate sense of continuity while also being flexible and responsive to change, both within the community we accompany and in the broader context of the Colombian reality?  

Another piece that we, in our program, need to develop more fully is the reflective/interpretive/learning/growing side of the experience. What has been happening as a result of our involvement? We have had various periods of focused dialogue about this with our partners, but if anyone has suggestions or resources to recommend, that would be great!

-Sarah 

JohnWilmerding's picture

Getting Definitions Straight

It's important to understand exactly what nonviolent accompaniment is.  It is different than what is usually called nonviolence.  It is actually peacekeeping.

Peacekeeping is part of the triad of active peace -- peacemaking, peacekeeping, and peacebuilding.  Each of these have different definitions, though there can be some overlap.  Sadly, you will often see these terms used interchangeably, reflecting that the general knowledge of peacemaking in modern societies is poor.

Peacekeeping can also be distinguished by noting what it is not -- it is not, for example, what the United Nations does with its 'peacekeeping forces'.  It has nothing to do with arms or armed intervention.  It is not police work.  It is, on the contrary, PRECISELY nonviolent accompaniment!

But it is not what is called nonviolence!  Nonviolence is active resistance or passive resistance.  At least those are the two things which are usually called 'nonviolence'.

Nonviolence is a risky term to use because it is a double-negative.  This is why Gandhi christened the term 'Satyagraha', meaning steadfastness in the truth.  Double-negative terms don't say much -- they say only what a thing ISN'T.  In peacemaking, there is an absolute necessity to say what it IS, hence the Triad of Active Peace.

 Keeping the focus on the Triad of Active Peace, where it belongs, and understanding the distinctions between the three elements -- peacemaking, peacekeeping, and peacebuilding -- enables us to understand that 'nonviolent accompaniment' is actually peacekeeping. 

John Wilmerding

Quaker Peacemaker

John Woolman College

John Wilmerding

Quaker Peacemaker

John Woolman College

Anthony Kelly's picture

Dissassociative

Thanks John,

 Just to build on what you were saying - (I'm also a big one for clarity of definitions and language) - one way Gultung defines 'peacekeeping' that i've found useful is that it is 'dissassociative' as in it aims to keep conflicting parties apart.  In situations where it is highly unlikely that the more dialogue-based approaches of peacemaking or peacebuilding would be appropriate or possible due to the level of violence.  Peacekeeping methods also include living walls - community truces  any method aimed at getting in between opposing sides.   As a peacekeeping method accompaniment has the effect (or tactical aim) of keeping parties apart - such as keeping the human rights abuser apart from the threatened activist.   

I like to think, as part of the triad of peace approaches, that nonviolent accompaniment, if carried out efectively and for long enough, eventually allows enough safety and political space for the actors in a conflict to develop peacemaking and peacebuilding type initiatives.  

- anthony

Anthony Kelly

www.thechangeagency.org

Jan Passion's picture

Dissassociative and PK and PB and other definitions

This discussion on definitions reminds me that in Sri Lanka we often got hung up on definitions.... I tend to think of accompaniment more as Peacekeeping - but I also think of peacekeeping of somewhat more superficial and short-term type work... and yet in our teams in the North and east of Sri Lanka - we are doing some deep relationship building with muitlple stakeholders, and doing confidence and relationship building and much more of the deeper and longer-term type of work that I associate more with peacebuilding. Perhaps someone has (or needs to!) come up with revised definations to somehow integrate activities that look more like PK, but are not the typical short-term type work, but that somehow integrates some of the aspects of PB - working much more relationally and organizationally and over a long period of time, and, in our SL project anyway, doing much more than just accompaniment.

Jan
Passion -- Programme Officer, Nonviolent Peaceforce

Jan
Passion -- Programme Officer, Nonviolent Peaceforce
+1 (925) 687-2555

kiradits's picture

Social Capital?

Hi Jan,

Thank  you very much for your advise. I will definitely check it out to increase my knowledge on the subject.

I just got interested when you mentioned about PB in Sri Lanka that involves 'relationship building'. My professor and I tried to integrate this concept, where he puts it as "Social Capital" into the study of civil conflicts. This capital is measure as the level of trust in the society. Ranges from the trust such as within individual, family units, community and towards local instituion. We believe if this trust or social capital is increase, it will help weakens the culprit authority and activites.

I have had trouble quantifying this concept. I tried to relate this concept to corruption index. Assuming that the more the corruption the lesser the faith and trust public have over institutions. Anyway we do believe that this element (social capital) is crucial in building and sustaining peace in the society. 

Just wonder if we can really define the situation that practice of accompaniment will be most effective. So that the practice can be implemented correctly and will not jeopardize some of the ongoing effort. I wonder if we can have a strategy like we have a medicine for a disease? Shall look into the links you sent for these answers.

 

 

DavidGrantNP's picture

Connecting this thread to EVALUATION

I'm particularly interested in this question of 'quantifying social capital'. One of the difficulties in finding political and fiscal support for this work is to 'prove that it works'. This is quite difficult to do if the proof of success is 'nothing happens'.

I have thought it would be useful if there were a sociometric baseline established in a place for which an 'early warning' has been issued. (Mechanisms for identifying areas likely to descend into violent conflict are becoming more and more reliable.)  After that were done (and, frankly, it would have to be done quickly, since an 'early warning' may not be very 'early'), then deploy -- in significant numbers into a delimited geographical area -- unarmed civilian peacekeepers. If, we hope, there is 'success' over at least a couple of years -- indicated by 'nothing happens' -- then another sociometric study would be done to determine what quantifiable factors have been influenced and how.

This might help establish the kind of quantifiable parameters that funders look for and politicians like to cite. 

Does anyone know of research efforts along these lines? 

 

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

npearson's picture

Evaluation Tools

Evaluation of our efforts of human rights is always a challenge - and one worth continually exploring. The Human Rights Impact Centre has some excellent resources to assist in evaluation of impact in a wide variety of areas.

A couple of their resources that might be very helpful for groups in the field providing unarmed accompaniment:

The Conflict Prevention and Post-Conflict Reconstruction (CPR) Network has put together a Handbook that is divided into 3 Parts with steps to help complete what they have termed the "Peace and Conflict Impact Assessment Framework."

And the "Hands-on PCIA: A Handbook for Peace and Conflict Impact Assessment" that very specifically looks at the question of evaluating impact. I would recommend a look at: Part 3 which is peace and conflict impact assessment in practice.

Both handbooks are available in downloadable PDFs.

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics Program Manager

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics in Human Rights Program Manager

liam's picture

on peacekeeping and nonviolence

John Wilmerding urges us to categorize accompaniment not as nonviolent action butstrictly as "peacekeeping". I usually steer clear of difinitional discussion, but I'll risk a few comments on this one, because I don't find this distinction accurate or helpful.

When we use terms, we need to consider not only the clarity that someone may have once had when they outlined them, but the fact that many of these terms have absorbed multiple definitions and perceptions over time. Peacekeeping is just such a term. The UN doesn't own the word, but neither does Johan Galtung - and when we use this or other words to describe our actions we are sending very different messages to different audiences.

One assumption behind the term "peacekeeping" is that we are dealing with a situation of armed conflict. Most of the world, hearing this term, will presume this constraint of scope. But accompaniment as a tactic is used widely in non-armed-conflict settings, protecting vulnerable groups from a wide range of types of repression, discrimination, and marginalization.

This is why the broader term of "human rights protection" is preferred by many - because it refers to both conflict and non-conflict settings, and refers to potential protection from a wide range of types of abuses, not just direct violence. 

PBI was founded as an organization trying to promote and sustain non-violent action in places where nonviolent activists were under duress. Over its long history of development of this particular tool of accompaniment which has been such a useful one in the field of human rights protection, it is now seen by many, inside and out, to be a "human rights organization."

I would personally continue to make a strong case for seeing the link between accompaniment and nonviolence and nonviolent action. I see accompaniment as a tool that nonviolent activists who face threats use to protect themselves and thus enable better nonviolent action.

Who are the protagonists of this tool? Accompaniment is a tool that is used by nonviolent activists to strengthen their nonviolent resistance capacity. It is not we who are "doing accompaniment." It is those activists on the ground who are "using accompaniment".  We are there only to help their nonviolent struggles, which, to my mind, places accompaniment firmly in the realm of active nonviolence, albeit in a somewhat subservient and humble role in the process.

One of the positive strengths of this tool is that it has been able to be used so effectively despite a wide range of perceptions about all these concepts, words, and definitions. Within PBI itself, and other organizations doing this work, there is a diverse range of uses of terminology like "human rights" or "nonviolence" (although seldom if ever does one hear PBI call itself 'peacekeepers)- so don't look at my comments here as anything but my own personal approach.

Liam

 

 

JohnWilmerding's picture

The Meaning of Peacekeeping

I'm responding gladly to Liam's good contribution to this discussion.

Naturally, I knew that I was challenging accepted usage of the term 'peacekeeping'.  Yet, it is my own discernment that what I recommend is the proper usage.

When did Johan Galtung weigh into this discussion?  And someone talking about his definitions?  Why?  I frankly don't even know what they are.

A couple of weeks ago, I congratulated David Hartsough of Nonviolent Peace Force on taking the term 'peacekeeping' back from the UN to where it belongs ... what this group is calling 'nonviolent accompaniment'.

I feel strongly it is necessary to be absolutely certain of the meanings of our words when we are doing peacemaking work.  This is why I have proposed an understanding of what I call the 'Triad of Active Peace'.  Funny thing ... I fully expect that these definitions of peacemaking, peacekeeping, and peacebuilding will become common usage.  After corresponding with many thousands of peacemakers and peace activists over the years, I also think I am in a position to parse out the meanings of such words, considering all the nuances.

So I think that when people use the word 'peacekeeping' to refer to the UN-style armed interventions, we peacemakers should denounce that, just as when Tracy Chapman sang "Why are the missiles called peacekeepers when they're aimed to kill?"  In this way, we will re-claim the term from its inappropriate usages, merely by building the currency of the correct usage.  It is utterly necessary that we do this.  "Hate cannot drive out hate -- only love can do that." -- M L King Jr.

Whatever audience we speak to, we must presume they wish to hear the truth.  Thus, we must do our best to speak the truth in all instances, and to all audiences.  Peacemakers can do no other.

So I disagree with the "assumption" that peacekeeping is only used in cases of armed conflict.  That is an interpretation that has arisen through the mis-use of the word.  Indeed, peacekeeping can be preventative, as well as interdictive.  But it is never armed.

Peacekeepers should also always adopt nonviolent responses if they are accosted, arrested, assaulted, etc.  I was not recommending anything different than that.

So, I say that 'nonviolent accompaniment', the way it is practiced by, say, Nonviolent Peaceforce, is peacekeeping.  But it is not 'nonviolence', as in the contemporary US-English use of the word.  That term, 'nonviolence', is usually reserved for what are called 'nonviolent direct action' or 'passive resistance'.

Finally, another problem with parsing out meanings and usages is that this work is not only carried out in English -- let's consider, though, that I have recommended these meanings, this lexicon, for the purposes of this discussion.

And maybe Johan Galtung will have a recommendation for us when we start discussions in Norwegian!  ;-)

John Wilmerding

Quaker Peacemaker

John Woolman College

John Wilmerding

Quaker Peacemaker

John Woolman College

npearson's picture

The risks of peacekeeping and nonviolent struggle

The understanding of language and the way our language is used provides us with a tremendous source of both inspiration and power.

The commitment to nonviolent struggle and the herioc efforts of human rights defenders is not one lightly taken. Too often people forget, or perhaps need to forget, that much blood is shed to walk the path of nonviolent struggle. I remember how people talked about the miracle of the Philippine People Power Revolution and how it was a bloodless revolution. The country, nor the international press, wanted to speak about the more than 20 years that cost countless lives - taken by torture, disappearances and outright assination; nor the role that steady organizing under the "radar" of a brutal dictatorship that it took to create the awareness and willingness of the public to put their own bodies in the line of fire for change to make "People Power" happen. We could certainly share many other amazing examples in history and more recently in places around world where this has happened. It is truly a miracle, born of our human need to speak truth to power.

This offering up of the human body - a fragile container at best - against the ingenious weapons designed to mutilate and destroy that human body lies at the heart of active nonviolent, the seeking to stand for truth (a truth of one or a truth of many).

As Liam stated in his post titled, on peacekeeping and nonviolence, "Accompaniment is a tool that is used by nonviolent activists to strengthen their nonviolent resistance capacity. It is not we who are "doing accompaniment." It is those activists on the ground who are "using accompaniment". We are there only to help their nonviolent struggles, which, to my mind, places accompaniment firmly in the realm of active nonviolence, albeit in a somewhat subservient and humble role in the process."

I'm interested in learning from those who have "used accompaniment" - How has this tactic helped you to continue your work?

And for those who made the choice to take that "humble role", What have been the costs and benefits to your own lives and relationships?

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics Program Manager

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics in Human Rights Program Manager

DavidGrantNP's picture

About the terms

I think, John, that it was Johan Galtung who first proposed the definitions of peacekeeping, peacemaking and peacebuilding. Peacemaking = making treaties, negotiating formal or informal agreements. Peacebuilding = addressing root causes of war through development activities (including addressing issues of identity). Peacekeeping = separating, or intervening between, combatants. Without taking the time to research it (probably googlable), I am
certain that Galtun saw all three of those mechanisms as being
able to be accomplished without violence. In fact, of the three, only peacekeeping has the option of -- to use the euphemistic jargon -- 'robust' or 'kinetic' intervention. [Those two adjectives can apply as well to unarmed intervention.]

The term nonviolence continues to produce difficulties. It is, strictly speaking, not applicable to any particular strategy. As Gandhi said "nonviolence is as old as the hills". There would not be 6+ billion of us on this planet if cooperation and social harmony were not, by far, the dominant modalities. Violence is the anomaly, not nonviolence. But on the other hand, the term is inadequate -- defining an 'absence of'. Like the term, 'horseless carriage' for that new thing, back at the turn of the 19th Century ... that thing that eventually became known as the 'automobile'. 

So ... nonviolent struggle for justice is not, as you indicate, the same as unarmed non-partisan civilian 'peacekeeping'. This distinction is not yet well understood. And it vexes many 'nonviolent activitists' who are addicted -- as I have been and continue to be -- to 'righteous anger' in the fact of social injustice. It is not easy to 'stand in between'. It is much more 'fun', honestly, to join in the fight. Unarmed non-partisan civilian peacekeeping, however, tries to play the role of referee...not stopping the fight, but trying to insure it remain within the bounds of normal social interaction -- which is to say: without murder and mayhem.

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

JohnWilmerding's picture

Re: About the terms

Agreeing with you, David Grant, when you say:  "... nonviolent struggle for justice is not ... the same as unarmed non-partisan civilian 'peacekeeping'"

Just want to clarify that was precisely one of the points that I made.  Your phrase 'as you indicate' could have been taken two ways, placing me either for or against the premise.

And if distinguishing those three activities, peacemaking, peacekeeping, and peacebuilding, accurately was Galtung's contribution, that's fine.  I don't think any of us are so arrogant as to claim the truth for ourselves, though some people might try to build up our egos, just as some have done with Johan Galtung.  Then again, he does confess a certain amount of egoism in his work -- but maybe that is just his effort to make a bigger splash with his theories and important work!

John Wilmerding

Quaker Peacemaker

John Woolman College

John Wilmerding

Quaker Peacemaker

John Woolman College

Gender Officer IFOR's picture

Gender and Peacekeeping

IFOR ( International Fellowship of reconciliation) and WPP (
women peacemakers program) are very involved in Action non violence. WPP is
raising the issue on Gender and peacekeeping, we had received testimonies from
women activist asking for special approach in peacekeeping. I wanted to know
from the people who are in the field your opinion about approaching Gender in
the peacekeeping and unarmed forces.

Are there special needs to women and to men in the
communities? How are you approaching them?

Thanks,

 

Cristina Reyna
Gender Officer
Ifor/WPP
c [dot] reyna [at] ifor [dot] orgwww.ifor.org/wpp

 

marmar's picture

On gender and peacekeeping/peacebuilding


Cristina raises an important topic, which has to
do with a pilot research project WPP/IFOR is currently involved in. This
project was born out of the concern of many gender-sensitive people involved in
peacekeeping/peacebuilding programs that realize and acknowledge the lack of a
gender perspective in most of different peacebuilding initiatives around the
world.


Indeed, while there is growing awareness among
people, institutions, scholars and organizations working in the field of conflict
prevention and transformation that conflict and post-conflict situations have
significant gender implications that need to be addressed by any king of
intervention –local, national or international, official or non governmental-,
in practice there are almost no systematic efforts (or very few, isolated) to
implement gender analysis and gender-sensitive policies in that field.


If there is interest, we could share in this forum
some of the questions that guide our research project, as well as some of the
relevant gender aspects/implications that, in our view, are always present and
should be taken into account when doing international accompaniment, or any
other form of civilian peacekeeping/peacebuilding in a conflict setting.

Maria M. Delgado

Maria M. Delgado

cpt_colombia's picture

Hearing women's voices

 

Maria and Cristina,

Thank you both for
bringing gender into the dialogue. CPT
Colombia is very interested to hear more from IFOR and WPP about the gender
aspects and implications that you believe are always present and need to be
taken into account in international accompaniment.

The CPT Colombia team
is working on becoming more attentive to the violence against women that is
often experienced in conflict zones but may be unnoticed and unaddressed by
peace workers. In the coming year we intend to work harder to visibilize the
violence against women that we learn about.

Each year we compile a
human rights report of incidents that we have witnessed or heard through
first-hand testimony. In compiling our report for 2007 we noticed that much of the information we have about violence against women
was not included in the report because the information does not meet our
criteria that we have witnessed the violence or received first-hand reports.
For example, in some communities we have heard general concerns that soldiers
are taking advantage of their power and position to seduce young women and
girls, sometimes resulting in unwanted sexual contact or unwanted pregnancies.
In one community, business men commented to us that maltreatment of women by
soldiers was not a problem while the one woman in the group, a former teacher,
spoke to us privately to say she has heard of many cases of young women being
taken advantage of by soldiers. Because we did not witness the violence or hear
about it directly from a woman who experienced it, we did not include these
impressions in our 2007 human rights report.

There are many reasons
the reports we hear may not accurately tell the story of how violence is
impacting women. Women may be
underrepresented in community conversations due to household responsibilities.
Women may be economically dependent on men and concerned that reporting abuse
will jeopardize their economic security. In a sexist society, women’s voices
are less likely to be heard, even when they are raised.

In 2008 as we collect information about human
rights abuses related to the armed conflict in Colombia, we have committed to
paying special attention to how women are impacted by the violence. We expect
our 2008 report to have a section focusing on women with more flexible criteria
for what is included, recognizing that if we insist on witnessing the violence
or hearing first hand reports of violence we are adding to the silencing of
women in the conflict.

Michele Braley, Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia


Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia

npearson's picture

Hearing Women's Voices

Thank you Michele for sharing this.

You raise critical aspects regarding the difficulties of witnessing and reporting the violence women experience in their daily lives, let alone the challenges that accompaniment organizations face in providing protection to women who have themselves been specifically threatened or find themselves targets because they serve as a means to pressure their fathers, husbands, brothers and children.

In my experience here at the Center for Victims of Torture and working in refugee camps in West Africa, there was safety in reporting an abuse that happened to a "friend", a "cousin", or someone in the community. But acknowledging that such an abuse was personal took significant trust building. The personal costs of such traumas are tremendous, if we add the social costs of revealing sexual abuse/assault/rape/slavery/torture, the implications are staggering due to the stigma, blame, shame and ostracism that women continue to experience when they have the courage to speak..

CPT is obviously trying to meet and address this challenge. Storytelling and theater have provided very useful mechanisms to open the topics and support women in finding their voices to speak out on the violence they experience, first in that "one party removed" manner and then taking more direct action. The organizations using these tools were not providing accompaniment, however, they were more involved in community education and action. But some of their ideas might be of use to your efforts.

For an example on our New Tactics website see: Action Theatre, from Bangladesh: http://www.newtactics.org/en/ActionTheatre

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics Program Manager

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics in Human Rights Program Manager

shenken's picture

Creating space to speak

This is a very important topic in our discussion and I'm glad for the challenge to think more about this.

My colleague, Anne Barstow, edited a book called War's Dirty Secret: Rape, Prostitution, and Other Crimes Against Women, a collection of stories about wartime sexual violence against women around the world. About a year ago she was invited to give a workshop about these stories and findings for a group of women in Colombia who are involved in one way or another with the defense of human rights and/or the work of the church with the displaced. Opening up this topic of conversation and providing information about the prevalence of rape as a tactic of war around the world apparently created an important space for these women to consider ways in which they might more effectively respond to the needs of the displaced and other women who are victims of the conflict. I'm afraid I haven't followed up with our partners to see whether this has led to any new strategies on the part of these women, but now I will make a point of asking, and I will be glad to pass along the resources that I have found in this forum.

Kingsley Ayettey's picture

"Acceptance" and Unarmed Accompaniment

 Again...greetings from the beautiful island, Sri Lanka!

For the tactic of unarmed accompaniment to be effective, a fertile ground of 'acceptance' must prevail in the 'environment' in which the accompaniment is taking place. The security risk of the tatic is reduced if the accompaniment organisation is 'accepted' by all the actors in the conflict. 'Acceptance', therefore, becomes a key strategy in the tactic, unarmed accompaniment.

In Sri Lanka, Noviolent Peaceforce's own security is mainly based on 'acceptance' as an 'independent outsider'...our impartial and discret role enables us to attain this feat. David Grant substantiates this in his post: To speak or not to speak...

Jan Passion pointed out in his post: Dissssociative and PK and PB and other defnitions, NP 's dual role of peacekeeping (outside presence) and peacebuilding (facilitative presence)..."doing much more than just accompaniment, NP is doing some deep relationship building with multiple stakeholders, and doing confidence and relationship building and much more of the deeper and longer-term type work..."

David Grant also mentions in his post: Regarding the 'carrot', not the 'stick'  how NP's 'standing-with' activities in the communities have helped some local peacemakes to expand their work. This has enhanced our 'acceptance' !

Neverthless, Nonviolent Peaceforce will only recommend unarmed accompaniment where the risk presented to Field Team Members' lives is both 'measurable' and 'acceptable'. 

 

Kingsley Ayettey

Field Team Member

Nonviolent Peaceforce Sri Lanka

Kingsley Ayettey

Mankind's Advancement, Upliftment & Development (MAUD)

liam's picture

"acceptance" and accompaniment

Kingsley's message points out the importance of acceptance of the accompnaiment presence by all actors, in order to ensure its effectiveness and the safety of those doing it.

Perhaps 'acceptance' is too kind or soft a word. In my experience the presence of accompaniment may be grudgingly acknowledged by abusive parties as a fact of life. it may also be deeply resented. Sometimes it is an imposition they may see as a political act of war by their enemies.

In these uncomfortable circumstances, I think the decisive factor is not whether they voluntarily "accept" the presence. In some cases it is a more brutal political cost-benefit calculation: is it worth their while to confront, threaten or hurt the accompaniment or those who are accompanied? Or is the cost of acting against them too high? If the cost is too high, this does not really signify 'acceptance', but simply political realism and rationality. They may hate us, but we are not their fundamental problem, so they tolerate us, in a strategy of avoiding costs that are far more important to them. 

When we have our diplomatic encounters with these actors, in the best of circumstance perhaps we are building bridges of acceptance and mutual respect. But short of that ideal, such clear communication serves to ensure that they are making an accurate calculation, that they will recognize that attacking the accompaniment or accompanee really does represent a political cost they should not want to suffer.

Even if they despise and resent our presence, it is not in our interest that they should make the political miscalculation of acting on that resentment.  

Liam

kantin's picture

** How to find your way through all the comments! **

Hello all,

I work for New Tactics, and want to make participating in this discuss as easy and straightforward as possible. There is a way for you to 'collapse' all the comments made in the discussion so far, so that you only see the Subjects of each comment (as well as the author of the comment). Here is how you do that:Comment Viewing Option

At the bottom of the discussion page, you will find a place that you can 'Post a new comment'. Just above that box, there is a place for you to change your 'Comment viewing options'.

It will most likely be set at "Threaded List - expanded" and you can change that to "Threaded List - collapsed" and then use the "Save Settings" button. This will collapse all the posts to only their Subject headings and author. It will look something like this:

Clarification on Defination by kiradits

who is the culprit? by liam

Another aspect that is by DavidGrantNP

Accompaniment in Africa by arend98

etc etc

This is helpful in viewing what kinds of smaller conversations are currently being discussed, without having to dig through everything that has been written!

Let me know if you have any questions - kantin [at] cvt [dot] org.

Kristin

Kristin Antin, New Tactics Online Community Builder

cpt_colombia's picture

Who's making the peace?

 

It feels like a lot of the focus of this discussion has been on
what we as peacemakers (or peacekeepers, or accompaniers, or whatever
we choose to call ourselves) can do to bring about peace. I think
when we focus on the role of accompaniers, we ignore a much more
important dynamic: the role of communities in constructing their own
peace.

My role as an accompanier is to create a safe space where
threatened communities can organize themselves and work to bring
about peace, in the way that they choose.  The communities we
accompany here in Colombia have lived the armed conflict for years
(for most Colombians, the armed conflict has gone on their entire
life), they understand the complex social and political environment
they're operating in much better than I will no matter how much I
study, and they're more invested in the outcome of peace than those
of us who can simply choose to go home if the work gets too hard.
The communities we work with have all the ideas, experience and
skills necessary to construct the conditions of peace; they really
don't need that help from us. What our accompaniment is able to
provide is the security and the political maneuvering room for
communities to carry out their own peacemaking work. For us to think
that we know better than Colombians how to construct a Colombian
peace is at best presumptuous, and at worst, racist.

Another way we try to defer to the wisdom of the communities we
accompany is in the decisions we make about speaking out against
human rights abuses (as referred to by Sarah in her post To
speak, or not to speak... and to whom?
). It's not always clear
that speaking out against the human rights abuses we observe is the
best path; occasionally speaking out can antagonize an armed actor
and in fact result in greater risk to a community. When we deal with
these questions, asking the community what they prefer is almost
always our preferred solution. Communities at risk are incredibly
acute at analyzing the threats that face them, so I rarely feel like
I need to second guess their assessments. If they think it's safe
for us to speak up, we do. If they prefer we remain quiet, we do
that too. Admittedly, sometimes we have to make quick decisions in
the field about speaking out, so we don't always have the luxury of
community consultation. Where we do, we always try to let the
community decide if they want us to speak out. It also helps us make
the quick decisions if we have been in ongoing dialog with the
community about what kinds of things they want us to confront, and in
what situations confrontation feels too risky.

Nils Dybvig - Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia


Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia

npearson's picture

Maneuvering room for communities

Nils,

These are really excellent and key points to keep in our minds as we talk about the benefits of unarmed accompaniment as a tactic. In that light, unarmed accompaniment takes advantage of opportunities offered by the gaps within the system where your team is operating (country and community context). At the same time, unarmed accompaniment creates additional opportunities for communities to move forward their own vision and goal of the kind of peace or social action they are actively defining for themselves.

Please correct me if my understanding of what you've written is off the mark. It seems to me that the unarmed accompaniment you provide then is not building capacity for empowering communities but rather a tactic communities themselves choose to avail of to provide themselves with the space (as you say, the "security and the political maneuvering room") they need and are entitled to, so they can assert their choices, rights and power as individuals, as a community, and as citizens of their own country.

Is there a particular process or recommended steps that CPT, PBI or Nonviolent Peaceforce can share about how to develop this kind of community agreement or "contract" for providing unarmed accompaniment?

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics Program Manager

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics in Human Rights Program Manager

Zsuzsanna.Kacso's picture

Enough space for "making the peace"

Dear Nils,

 I have been reading over your post and I find the points you have made very valid. I, myself am not an accompanier, I have started peacework one year ago and my practical engagement with people from conflict areas has been mainly through the training programs that PATRIR offers in Peacebuilding and Conflict Transformation.

Even so, one of the major aspects that I became aware of  is the necessity to leave enough space for the local people to act according to their own ideas in creating their own peace. It is always welcome to have the support of  ... let's call ourselves outsiders (as we are when it comes to conflicts that do not involve us directly) ... but as long as the conflict and violence happened to a certain community, that community, those people are the ones knowing what would help, what would work.

 Also, most of the communities have their own, traditional ways of dealing with a conflict or post-conflit situation, which are accepted by the community as a whole, and prove to be more efficient the a solution proposed form outside. For this, I belive that needs to be a good level of knowledge and awareness of the situatuion and the exisiting traditions from the pewceworker's side.

I think that the work that the accompaniers do is crucial. It provides the necessary acting space for the local community to achieve its goals.  Besieds this, having the support of international people is very importnt to the local communities. It strengthen their belief in the legitimacy of their actions and they feel morally supported. Though this does not sounds as important as having the necessary political space to act, it is one of the most important aspects for the communities that need accompaniment.

 

I admire each person that engages in this kind of work, as it proves the deep commitment to peace, human rights and all the positive values that we want our society to embrace.

Zsuzsanna Kacso, Assistant to the Director and Moldova-Transdniestria Program Coordinator, PATRIR

 

 

Zsuzsanna Kacso, PATRIR

Chito's picture

Partisan/Non-partisan...Partial/Impartial

I have read the inputs of several people and I am impressed by the deep insights they have shared. Clearly, there are various interpretations and choices about “tactics”, or, if some would prefer, options for unarmed accompaniment to protect HR defenders, and/or  non-partisan peacekeeping work in support of peace processes. The exchanges reveal a spectrum of actions open to organizations as to their appropriateness and objectives. I believe the interplay of theory and ground experiences will help inspire and guide us in our future endeavor, in relation to realities we all face.

DavidGrantNP's picture

"Mainstreaming" in the EU

I take the liberty of entering this message, sent by Nonviolent Peaceforce's headquarters in Brussels:

I’d like to draw your attention to new conclusion of the EU Council on the European Security and Defense Policy (partly as the result of NP speeches to the CIVCOM) we have now a reference to NP as one of NGOs that was consulted by the Member States’ representatives working on the civilian aspects of ESDP and we have also the Civilian Peacekeeping clearly mentioned (see below).

This is important because this document is the final official document endorsed by the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of 27 EU Countries and also by the Chief of State and Government in the last December European Council.  So it’s  a recognition of our work. The same document is available in 22 languages.

This is the quotation (pag 26 of the English version):

=================

“XII. Co-operation with Non-Governmental Organisations

99. To enhance the dialogue between NGOs and the members of Council preparatory bodies,

the Presidency regularly invited NGO representatives to give briefings to members of the

Committee for Civilian Aspects of Crisis Management in accordance with the

Recommendations for Enhancing Co-operation with NGOs and CSOs. Representatives from

a variety of international NGOs (such as the International Centre for Transitional Justice,

Saferworld, Interpeace, and Nonviolent Peaceforce) presented briefings on Afghanistan,

Kosovo, Guinea-Bissau and Civilian Peacekeeping. Particular care was taken to ensure that

NGO input would be given during the early stages of the planning phase for civilian ESDP

missions.”

=================

Using the term 'mainstreaming' also reminds me of the conference held in November 1993 at the United Nations Church Center. As I recall the title of the conference was "Mainstreaming Peace Teams". At it, the director of the UN Volunteer Corps stood up and pleaded for nonviolent intervention in Rwanda and Burundi. We did not -- at that time or, unfortunately, now -- have capacity to quickly deploy large-scale. It was in April 1994 that the genocide in Rwanda happened. 

Early warning mechanisms are even better now than they were then. The mesage about from the EU, as well as from other sectors (as Anthony Kelly reports), indicated recognition is increasing. But obviously the wheels of change grind very slowly to create the political will and requisite finances. 

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

DavidGrantNP's picture

Gender research

 I haven't responded to this post for a couple of days because it has to do primarily with research. We've had our hands full with implementation.

We do our best to make sure that our peacekeeping teams are balanced in gender, geography and ethnicity. What I personally hope we can do -- especially when we reach our large-scale goals -- is to have teams with specialties.  That could include units that pay particular attention to the role in violence played by various categories: of identity such as 'gender', 'age', 'religion', 'class', and of modality such as 'cultural arts',  'communications', etc. It  would be a lot easier, probably, to do this suggested research under those circumstances.  Of course no one disagrees about the importance of identity in all aspects of our work.

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

liam's picture

Mainstreaming protection

Anthony Kelly asks about the process of mainstreaming protection within the wider humanitarian ommunity. What a huge issue - I think it would take us a bit to far away from our focus here on the tactic of accompaniment. I will make a few comments on it, but try to tie it back to our theme.

You mention the ALNAP Protection Guide. This guide was actually published by the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, the same institution through which I published the more recent "Proactive Presence." You might also be interested in knowing that that ALNAP Protection Guide, which has been very widely used by the humanitarian community, was based on a pilot publication drafted by Hugo Slim and Luis Enrique Eguren - Luis Enrique comes from a long background in accompaniment work within PBI, was one fo the founders of the PBI project in Colombia, and also a founder of "Protection International" a new NGO in Brussels which until recently was teh Brussels European Office of PBI's "Mainstreaming Protection Project." (I recommend their web-page www.protectionline.org where you can find a wide variety of resources on protection of human rights defenders and IDPs.)

Accompaniment is a fairly small piece of the field protection reality - the humanitarian community is engaged in a wider range of protection activities, and has thousands and thousands of people deployed in difficult conflict zones to do this diverse work. In a few cases these organizations do accompaniment explicitly, in others it is an implicit impact of a field presence serving a different function. And in many cases, for lack of a conscious analysis of potential protective impact and lack of training in protection training staff, optential protective use of their huge human resources in the field is missed.

Even though accompaniment work is still so quantitatvely small out there, I think that Luis Enrique's involvement in the ALNAP manual, and the impact of Proactive Presence on the more mainstream humanitarian and human rights community as well, and in general the growing recognition of our organizations in this community of bigger actors is a illustration of something important: the rigorous,  conscious and very ground-based way in which our organizations are analyzing and using our presence, and learning directly and humbly from the people and communities we accompany on the ground, is something that many people in these other institutions are seeing as an important thing to learn from. not because they aren't already doing some of the same things, but rather because so much of the protection work they are doing is being done without conscious analysis and evaluation.

There are a lot of great people out there, deeply committed and politicized by working in the field up close to victims and courageous activists, who are working in institutions whose public face may never invovle an explicit treatment of "protection", much less accompaniment. The current expansion of discussion of practical protection impact is giving these committed field workers support and reinforcement to push their own institutions to take more coherent and conscious approaches - in some cases in order that the good protection work they are already doing will be acknowledged and better supported at an institutional level.

Another resource I would recommend to those intersted in humanitarian protection action are the many resources and studies being put out by teh Humanitarian protection Group of the Oveseas Develoment Institute in London.

- my best

Liam 

     

cpt_colombia's picture

Security Through Vulnerability Part 1

One provocative framework for me for thinking about
nonviolent accompaniment has been a comparison between my commitments to
Christian Peacemaker Teams (CPT) and the commitments my sister has made to the
military.

In our family, I am the “peacenik” who demonstrated against
the Iraq War, while my sister joined the National Guard soon after 9-11, though
she has not been called into active duty. This is not a comprehensive
reflection, nor is it a simple comparison and contrast, as we serve in
different contexts.

Some of the parallels in contrast to my sister … She gets
money for college; I fundraise to serve. I’m a song leader at rallies; she’s a
cheerleader for her unit. She endured boot camp; I did a delegation and trained
for a month. In training, we both crawled on our stomachs to practice escaping
bullets. She suffered burns from a shell casing; I spent a night in cold jail.
I mourned the loss of Tom Fox, but marveled at how few deaths CPT has faced in
its work in conflict zones; my sister mourned lost soldiers who were dispatched
while she got to finish college.

We both consciously decided to be dedicated and we have gone
at it with all our energy. Both our lives could be placed in risky situations
for causes we care about. It’s not that we are seeking danger and risk, but
it’s the cause that brings us to potential threat.

While it’s true that we both enter risky situations, there
is an ironic security in the vulnerability of unarmed accompaniment. Soldiers
with guns are targets, thus their power makes them vulnerable. Teammate Erin
Kindy encountered some armed soldiers in the Colombian countryside. She
explained to them, “I am worried for your safety because you are in more
danger of being targeted by other armed groups because you have guns.”

For nonviolent accompaniers, our
sources of security come in more vulnerable forms through connection to local partners, through being
known, through recognition of our work for peace, through our watching eyes and
communication to international channels. We are not a threat, and if we are a
threat to the status quo, those who would harm us might count the cost of
causing us harm when our organization and partners would raise an international
stink as we would do for Colombians. It is through connection, no power over
others that brings us security.

In my next post, I reflect on the risks we face, as illustrated in the death of our own, Tom Fox in Iraq.

Waiting for peace,

Charletta Erb
Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia


Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia

DavidGrantNP's picture

The ironies and sacrifices

Beautifully stated, Charletta. Heartfelt and true. Thank you.

I spent one day with Tom Fox. He was at Eastern Mennonite University in the Conflict Transformation Program. I was there only for a day, co-leading an all-day simulation for his class (Lisa Schirch, professor). The simulation we set up was based on The Wall in Palestine. It took over the center of campus. Tom played the role of one of the Palestinian police. That is a conflicted position! When he was murdered in Iraq, about a year later, it sent shock waves through Nonviolent Peaceforce. {I made a 90- minute edited video of that day, $50, DVD, proceeds to Nonviolent Peaceforce.} One thing that gets me is that sometimes people say, after such a tragedy, 'You see, nonviolent idealism doesn't work". After one death. And yet the answer to thousands of soldiers' deaths is, often: "Send more in."

After the first Gulf War, early 1990's, I was working at Rural Southern Voice for Peace, North Carolina. We carried out 'listening projects' at military bases -- Marines, Army, Navy and Air Force. We had a survey of about 20 questions that we asked to randomly chosen military people,  mostly enlisted, on the streets outside the bases. The survey essentially *educated*, at the beginning, about the ideas of King, Gandhi and Aung Sang Suu Kyi ... and then asked if the person would be willing to be part of a nonviolent peace force -- with same benefits as the military. About 50% of those surveyed said they understood the power of nonviolence and would prefer to 'fight' nonviolently, if it were an organized option. 

I also took part in the week-long "Nordic Peace '98" military 'war game' on the island of Gottland, Sweden. It was a training for Baltic and Scandanavian militaries planning to deploy in the Balkans. They invited NGOs such as the International Fellowship of Reconciliation (for whom I was then working), Amnesty International, the Swedish branch of War Resisters International, Red Cross, and others. It was certainly the most realistic training I have had the opportunity to be a part of. As I saw it, there were two goals: 1.) to learn each other's 'language' (since NGOs and military have quite different styles, but have to communicate with each other in the field); 2.) to simply meet each other (As Pogo said: "We have met the enemy and he is us!"). The latter point included having Scandanavian officers telling us, after hours over beers: "We've been wanting to learn non-lethal means for a long time; but you, in the peace community, have been unwilling to talk with us". In that instance, the Swedish FOR had provided 'nonviolence trainings' -- though brief -- to about a thousand of the participating soldiers in the week leading up to the 'livex' (live exercise).

   Bottom line: We're all in this together. Glad you and your sister are, it seems, friends who simply are treading the same path, though by different lights. 

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

cpt_colombia's picture

The ironies and sacrifices

Dear David

I really appreciated your reflection on the irony of claims that nonviolence doesn't work ... "One thing that gets me is that sometimes people say, after such a
tragedy, 'You see, nonviolent idealism doesn't work". After one death.
And yet the answer to thousands of soldiers' deaths is, often: "Send
more in." " Wow! We have barely begun to explore or imagine the possibilitie of nonviolence. That excites me.

I'm also really struck by the idea of my sister in the military and I as a peacemaker being on the same path. We have stayed friends through this. We have both thrown ourselves into these paths with good intentions and with our whole selves. Maybe that's the light guiding us? But I think of our choices as distinctive paths one to life, one to destruction, while we both seeking the same light. This was an Interesting conception to consider.

Charletta Erb
Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia


Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia

npearson's picture

The ironies and sacrifices

Charletta and David,

I really appreciate you both sharing these personal and insightful reflections on these two paths - "unarmed accompaniment" and "armed service".

Your postings have made me reflect upon those who have not taken up arms for a countries' military service but those who make the decision to take up armed struggle, rather than nonivolent struggle, as their path to institute change. Motivations for both these paths of armed struggle and nonviolent struggle, I would surmise, originate in a deep desire to make a difference - to transform personal and communal frustration into action.

It makes me ponder about our human choices. Some may be born out of despair - that the only way for change to emerge is to tear down the structures of oppression and destroy those that maintain and benefit from those structures. Others might be born of hope - to pursue that idea - "be the change you want". To walk that path, then if we are seeking freedom then freedom is the way, if we are seeking compassion and love then compasson and love are the way. The path to healing is healing in the here and now, not in some distant future when the "bad" structures have been destroyed.

I have tremendous respect for all of you who are involved in utilizing and providing unarmed accompaniment - you are truly modeling and being the nonviolent future you want to create - and in reality you truly ARE living that future in the here and now.

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics Program Manager

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics in Human Rights Program Manager

DavidGrantNP's picture

The Way

Dear Nancy,

   I thought you would also have repeated the phrase first coined by A.J. Muste of the International Fellowship of Reconciliation: "There is no way to peace. Peace is the way." That aphorism would be the reply I would offer to those who would take up arms for the sake of 'bringing peace' (eventually).

   Another slogan apropos is "Peace through strength". This leads to the naming of nuclear-headed missiles as 'Peacemaker". But there is an important truth to that slogan. As written today by one of the Nonviolent Peaceforce members on the ground in Sri Lanka, true strength of character does, indeed, lead to a peaceful society.

   Finally, "The Way". I title this "The Way" in order to provoke. Thich Nhat Hanh was  one (of many) who have pointed out that *ideology* has killed more people than weapons ever have. Of course "The Way" is also connected to the "Tao", the yin-and-yang. That is another quite different thought. Which is why I say my title is provocative.

    Gandhi had two rules for satyagrahis: 1.) Not to kill; 2.) Not to take one's own 'truth' as absolute.

    We all walk the path of "experimenting with truth". 

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

cpt_colombia's picture

Security through Vulnerability Part 2

Remembering Tom Fox, Facing Death in Faith

We haven’t yet discussed is how the death of Tom Fox has impacted the work of Christian Peacemaker Teams (CPT). It follows naturally from my previous posting on our vulnerability in accompaniment. I reflected most on this theme through the winter ending in 2006, when our hearts went out to CPTers who were “hosted” by their kidnappers. CPT chose to frame their captivity in benevolent terms, so as not to demonize their kidnappers and to appeal to their good. On March 10, Tom Fox’s body was found in Baghdad. Thirteen days later, the three other men were released.

It was a bitter end with Tom’s death, sweet in the miraculous
return of the others. I began to write a commentary reflecting on these events
sandwiched between Christmas (the birth of God in form of a tiny baby arriving
to an oppressive context, Israel
occupied by the oppressive Romans) and Easter (the death of Jesus for
subverting the status quo, and his resurrection overcoming the powers of hate
with love). I wrote:

“With the
bittersweet sense of resurrection mingled with death, I wrestled with this
“backward” God who demonstrated in the life of Jesus that we are called to move
out beyond security. These peacemakers who followed Jesus’ example inspired me,
while critics called them naïve for going anywhere in a war zone without
armored cars.” Incarnation
and Vulnerability
(Lombard Mennonite
Peace Center,
Dec. 2006. page 2)

In this vulnerability, we are not just doing accompaniment
to achieve certain criteria to prove its effectiveness. We are following this
vision of overcoming evil with good. For CPTers, it’s an attempt at faithfulness
to the example of Jesus. That said, we also seek to follow that call in ways
that have effect, but the desired effect is not the origin of our service. Jesus’
vision and example of nonviolence is the origin.

Perhaps there are others who would share their reflections
on why they are doing this work, so that in remembering, this can shape our
work more than benchmark goals that are hard to measure in this work. And in
these origins, we might find clarity that counters our instincts to fight in
order to achieve our goals.

________________________

To read more about Tom Fox and the CPT hostage crisis, I
recommend the feature
in Sojourner’s Magazine from December 2006, as well as the tribute
to Tom Fox
in the same issue. For more on our faith-basis for accompaniment
work, I recommend a recent article, Courageous
Nonviolence
by Ron Sider in Christianity Today.


Charletta Erb
Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia


Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia

DavidGrantNP's picture

Adam Curle on 'hope'

I remember hearing Adam Curle (info on him below) speak to this. He was in his 80's, it was in Germany. He spoke about his long career as a peace educator and about peace missions on which he nearly died. At the end of his talk, he was asked "What gives you hope?" There was a long, very long, silence. The audience grew uncomfortable, wondering if he was going to answer at all.

F inally, he smiled broadly and said "I have no hope!"

The audience gasped. Shocked, asking itself, I imagine, "How can one live, much less act, without hope?"

Then he added, "But of course we go on."

I like that perspective very much. Some might call it 'Buddhist'; others might say "classic British stiff upper lip". The point is fundamental to staying in it for the long haul.

We go on.

No matter. 

EXCERPT FROM WIKIPEDIA: Adam Curle (born July 4, 1916, died 28 September 2006) was a British academic and Quaker peace activist ... In 1973 was chosen as the first professor of Peace Studies at the University of Bradford, England. He helped set up the Centre for Peace, Non-violence and Human Rights, an NGO based in Osijek, Croatia during the Croatian War of 1991-1995. He did much to establish peace studies as an academic discipline. In 2000 he was the recipient of the Gandhi Foundation International Peace Award. 

 David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

Jan Passion's picture

Remembering Tom Fox, Facing Death in Faith

Dear Charletta,

Responsing to your invitation about why we do this work... for me it gives tremendous satisfaction to provide some degree of safety and support to those who might otherwise feel completely isolated and powerless.  

 

I was with NP for three years in Sri Lanka.   My work with there was profound.  My job, for the most part, was to support our teams in the field... helping these international, intercultural
peace teams provide protection and inspiration to whole communities who live in
culture of fear and anxiety was an immensely moving experience.  To help young teenagers find safe places
where they would NOT have to become part of the war machine was hugely
gratifying.  Working with mothers to
help get their children released (when we were successful) made for a very good
day.  Helping local people – principals,
priests, fisher folk, monks, mayors, teachers, activists, civil society leaders
– and sometimes even police and military personnel, who had a vision of how to
“increase the peace” to manifest their vision was deeply satisfying.  Using the protection that often comes from
simply being outsiders, as well as the skills and techniques of: presence;
dialogue; listening; networking; facilitation; networking; and monitoring
(among others) to help increase the space in which people could find
alternative methods to work through their difficulties was such a gift.  What a tremendous blessing to be able to
really make a difference just by one’s presence. 

 Some of this motivation came from my own experience as a child when the police were called to intervene in my family... and having the feeling that there MUST be a better way... other than using force to change a destructive situation.  

Plus I love being a part of the movent to provide new models for how we, as a species, confront violence.  

Thanks for asking.

Jan
Passion -- Programme Officer, Nonviolent Peaceforce

Jan
Passion -- Programme Officer, Nonviolent Peaceforce
+1 (925) 687-2555

Kingsley Ayettey's picture

Reflections on Unarmed Accompaniment

Compliments!

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, alias Mahatma Gandhi, tells us:                                       "If the method of violence takes plenty of training, the method of Nonviolence takes even more training"        

The "Triad of Active Peace" - peacekeeping, peacemaking and peacebuilding (courtesy of John Wilmering), is a slow iterative process that requires significant follow-ups and support after the initial set of "activities".

Unlike "the dialogue-based approaches of peacemaking and peacebuilding" (Anthony's post: Dissasociative), unarmed accompaniment as a peacekeeping method...though parochial it may seem...is a a very fulfilling act and tatic. It has a sudden major impact!

The successful completion  of an unarmed accompaniment "contract" brings great satisfaction to both the accompanier and the accompanee. To the accompanier, it is a relief of joy and satisfaction to do a "concrete good" in the midst of peacebuilding, peacemaking, and peacekeeping work, the impact of which, is often slow and less clear. To the accompanee, it is the end of a hazardous journey and the the beginning of life in safety.

Specifically, I am alluding to unarmed accompaniment provided to at-risk individuals and/or families such as, Human Rights Defenders, "surrendees" and/or 'escapees", etc..., from an unsafe environment to a safe place.

 A christian religious leader Nonviolent Peaceforce (NP) successfully accompanied had this to say: "Thank you for lighting my world with your presence (accompaniment). With NP, even the dark shadows of doubt and death disappear".

On the contrary, community accompaniment --in addition to the challenges mentioned in Nils Dybvig's post: CPT's use of the community accompaniment model -- requires hundreds of acts, often mundane, to create. It is painstakingly slow work. It is incremental..clearly visible impacts are often slow to emerge, and subtle. It is a process that requires sustained efforts to document the effects of the work, usually, a building of slow effects.

I quite agree with Anthony that, community accompaniment, "if carried out effectively and for long enough, eventually allows enough safety and political space the actors in conflict to develop peacemaking and peacebuilding type initiatives". My point: it is a process that takes "long'" time to mature and show impact.

These are the sober reflections on the ground experiences of one Nonviolent Peaceforce "practitioner" in Sri Lanka. Thank you all for your enriching and thoughtful exchanges...

Magda van der Ende tells us:                                                                                                            "A tiny pebble can cause endless circles in water, and have a continuing impact on the water"  ...indeed, soft whispers of hope and encouragement!

Unarmed Accompaniment is not a fairy tale...it is salutary experience!

Kingsley Ayettey

Field Team Member

Nonviolent Peaceforce Sri Lanka

Kingsley Ayettey

Mankind's Advancement, Upliftment & Development (MAUD)

marmar's picture

Women are not only victims, but agents!

Thanks Michele and Nancy for sharing your views and experiences on the topic of violence against women in conflict situations. There are lot of reflections we could share about that ... but I'd rather focus on highlighting, for the purpose of this discussion, that women are not always or not only victims (as the stereotype portraits "women and children" as the "most vulnerable" victims of war). Women are also and mainly active and positive AGENTS, during and after conflict, and they perform key roles in community reconstruction, rebuilding of the social fabric, bridging accross divides, etc., with incredible resilience, strength and generosity. The problem is that those contributions are rarely given attention by mainstream (male) political actors when negotiating peace agreements, discussing security issues, setting reconstruction programs, delivering humanitarian aid in refugee or displaced camps, designing health/economic/educational programs... etc.

Coming back to the specific topic of this forum, I'm sure we all have experienced that, when we are in a conflict setting, and we as international observers go into a community to discuss the situation there, to identify the needs and threats, and the resources people have: who do we talk with? Who are the leaders that approach us to tell us what's going on and what they want from us? The leaders we discuss with, negotiate, agree, support, etc. are almost always MEN. That is usually what local culture states in the communities we accompany, and of course we want to be respectful of that culture... The risk is that in doing so, without awareness and provisions to reach out to the women, in fact women's needs and interests, views and analysis, particular situation, and specific, unique contributions often go unknown, unheard, and not paid attention to... And we all miss the opportunity to include their knowledge, experiences and amazing contributions in the design and implementation of our accompaniment/peacekeeping/peacebuilding programs...

In that sense, I'd reply David that it is not only a matter of paying attention to include diversity (in terms of gender and other aspects) in the composition and performance of our teams... (although it's an important first step, certainly). It has to do more with putting on a special lens (in this case, gender lens, but also class, race, ethnic, cultural lens as well) to see through that lens all the aspects of our work and of the reality we work with/in (particularly, the power dynamics, and how they determine the access to and control over information, resources, etc. within the community or the organisation), and to act accordingly...

Indeed, we are very happy that PBI, like WPP/IFOR, is currently going through a process of recognizing the importance of mainstreaming gender and diversity at all levels of the accompaniment and civilian-based peace work... and we look forward to deepening our exchange and collaboration with them in the process of our pilot project.

It would certainly be great if you CPTs are also interested and willing to exchange on these issues, departing from each one's practices and experiences (especially in such challenging context like Colombia)!

Maria M. Delgado

Maria M. Delgado

Jan Passion's picture

Women are not only victims, but agents!

Indeed, some of our most powerful work in Sri Lanka was with female members of our peace team, working with female organizers and activists from Sri Lanka, working with women who were ready to give voice to their experience, the grievance, their suffering, and their vision.  

Sometimes too - women peace team members have a more powerful impact on combatents... I remember one time in Bethleham with another (female) colleague, when their was an escalating argument going on in the street, and my colleague felt clear that her intervention (in this case, simple observation and presence) would have more impact than I (being male).  Another reason is that many women who have been victimized would prefer to speak to another woman...  so having a multi-gender team often increases our acceptance and accessability in the community.  

So having a strong presence of women on our peace teams, and in positions of leadership, to help guide and inform our work is essential.    

On a related subject - one of our questions in Sri Lanka was whether or not the race and nationality would be a critical aspect in our capacity to reduce and deter violence...  and at least in that context, it seemed clear that the effectiveness of our peace team members had more to do with our staff being outsiders than from where they came...   This was a positive affirmation of having multicultural, multi national teams... which also helped debunk attempts to generalize about our teams (i.e., one couldn't say -- all you "westerners" or all you "christians" as it was so apparent that the descriptor was inaccurate).  

Jan
Passion -- Programme Officer, Nonviolent Peaceforce

Jan
Passion -- Programme Officer, Nonviolent Peaceforce
+1 (925) 687-2555

DavidGrantNP's picture

Armed and unarmed (one works for hugs, the other...)

Dear Charletta,

Glad you resonated to a bit of what I posted.

I often have led workshops where I ask people to state what is needed to run an armed military and what is needed to run an unarmed peace force. The lists match almost completely. The only major exception is "willing to kill" versus "not willing to kill". We need to remember that the highest ideals of people in the military are no different than our own: love and protection of others, of land, of creation.

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

David Grant, Strategic Relations Director

Nonviolent Peaceforce - Washington DC office

npearson's picture

Thank you for shaing this

Thank you for shaing this book reference. Please do let us know what your follow-up with the communities reveals so we can share those new ideas and strategies with others. I have no doubt that women have found some tremendously creative strategies. As Maria wrote in her post, "Women are not only victims, but agents!" women are resilient, resourceful, strong and determined actors.

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics Program Manager

 

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics in Human Rights Program Manager

mau's picture

Trust

Dear all,

i work with Nonviolent Peaceforce in Sri Lanka since few weeks and i read with pleasure all your comments in this interesting discussion. As this is the last day i would like share with you a small comment about my vision of unarmed accompaniment.

My contribution is referring not so much to the political side of this tool, that is very important obviously, but more to the “human inner side” of this, or i should say is referring to the inner source of Nonviolence, that is also important for me in the unarmed accompaniment, at least the one that NP wants to realize. Gandhi said in his autobiography that a Satyagrahai has to believe that God stay inside the hearts of everyone and a man live freely only when is ready to die, if necessary, by hand of  his brother but never to kill him. What i am speaking about is the concept of Trust, the fact that every peace worker has to start with her/his inner source for peace, believing that this beauty source is inside everyone. This is the base for me for Nonviolence, the base for transformation of conflicts and so also for proactive presence and unarmed accompaniment.

As Ramu Manivannan said Nonviolence is both universal and specific. Peace and harmony as tendencies have a more pervasive, stable and universal foundation in the social psychology of human beings and operate as pre-requisites of any process of institutionalization of the structure of society.Thanks to give me the possibility to share with you this toughts and stay well.Maurizio Geri

cpt_colombia's picture

Role play as a tool for both training and recruitment

 

There’s already
been some important discussion about methods of training for unarmed
accompaniment. I’d like to throw in the idea of role plays. I’m sure many organizations
represented here are using role plays in trainings. I trained with CPT nearly 4
years ago and the experience of the role plays sticks in my head the most. We
used role plays to explore some high tension scenarios in which CPTers have
found themselves over the years.

The
experiential aspect of these exercises is critical in training our bodies to
respond nonviolently in situations of conflict. Many of us have probably seen
the videos of US civil rights activists using role plays to train each other
for sit-ins in the 50’s. What are others’ experiences with role plays as a tool
for training?

I've also experimented
with role plays in outreach. I presented on Colombia after returning from a
stint with the team a few years ago. Along with the standard photos and a talk,
I occasionally invited audience members to participate in a role play. The scenario
was drawn from our accompaniment work when an illegal armed group demanded food
from a community member I the presence of CPTers. The role play provoked quite
a bit of good discussion in the audience. It also appeared to have lasting impact
on some participants. A few months ago, I received an email from a friend who
participated in one of these role plays more than two years ago. She commented
on the impact of the role play:

“…It was a very powerful experience when you
asked us to act out a situation. What remains with me is the feelings. And the
recognition that with proper training, I might be able to help, and also how
significant it is for us to use our 'power'… to protect rather than dominate.”

As I
prepare to return to the US
next month, I’m looking forward to trying out role plays again in
presentations. What other creative recruitment tools have folks found useful in
their outreach or recruitment?

Tim Nafziger
Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia


Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia

Jan Passion's picture

Role play as a tool for both training and recruitment

Tim -

I just want to echo the value of Role Plays and simulations.  We find that such methods are the most effective way to make the training "real." At some of our Core Training we have begun simulations with the traineess at 3am or 5am - and had simulations last full days or even more than one day.    

During a Training of Trainers, held in Chaing Mai, Thailand, we enlised many "actors" from the local community and held our simulation across rather wide distances, and used trucks and motorcycles and uniforms and (toy) guns - complete with checkpoints.  It helped our future trainers better understand both what life in field was like, and also more grounding in what the trainees were going to be facing.  

Paz,

Jan

Jan
Passion -- Programme Officer, Nonviolent Peaceforce

Jan
Passion -- Programme Officer, Nonviolent Peaceforce
+1 (925) 687-2555

npearson's picture

How do people access or come to provide accompaniment?

It would be helpful for those you in organization that provide accompaniment to give insights into the processes you take for determining what people and/or communities that request accompaniment are actually provided with accompaniment.

Are there certain elements that accompaniment organizations look for to be in place before deciding to provide that accompaniment? Is so, what elements seem to provide the best match?

Are there also certain characteristics that accompaniment organizations are seeking in the people who request to serve in the capacity of accompaniment?

Thank you for sharing your insights in this area.

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics Program Manager

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics in Human Rights Program Manager

Jan Passion's picture

How do people access or come to provide accompaniment?

Nancy,
Here are some notes/guidelines that we have used when thinking about
accompaniment that reflects some of our processes and planning.  Some of these answer parts of the question you are posing....    No doubt a few of our teams will
likely have updated and/or revised these guidelines, depending on the
country and the dynamics in for a particular team or a particular
conflict.

Paz,   Jan

On making the agreement
    *    Communicate
with your team and the head office before agreeing to an accompaniment.
*    Either we -- or a trusted partner/neighbor in the
community -- need(s) to already have a relationship with the family or
individual requesting accompaniment (hereafter on referred to as
“client”).
*    Ask ourselves whether there are any other agencies
that could be doing the job being asked of us.
*    Let client know of our confidentiality policy --
no identifying information goes outside of NP unless we get permission
of the
client.
*    Talk about the situation long enough to get a
sense that we can meet the client's needs.
*    Talk about what will happen at the other end of
the journey -- i.e. introducing a client to their next “host” (if
relevant)

    *    Have an exit strategy.  Be
clear (with each other on the team as well as with our client) before
we begin,
where our responsibilities end.  Is protection needed for family
members
on the return trip?  Where is a safe place to separate?
*    Confirm that our clients have given up violence
and that nonviolence is expected to be upheld throughout the time that
we are
supporting them.
*    After developing the plan, talk about how if the
circumstances change, we may have to begin again with a whole new
agreement -
even with a decision about whether or not to continue.
*    If our plan requires participation of partners,
don't finalize the agreement until checking with the partners.
*    Remember to inform key partners (if any) who need
to be informed about what we're doing  (after checking with the client
to
be sure it is okay with them to give information).
*    At least two team members should
always be present through any part of the accompaniment, but these may
not
always need to be the same two.

Preparation for the journey
*    Keep in mind potential emotional needs of our
client from the time we first meet throughout the duration of the time
we are
providing support.
*    See that the family has taken into consideration
security needs of the client until the journey begins - where is a safe
place
for them to stay, where to meet and how to begin the journey, etc.
*    Keep in mind potential sensitivities and concerns
about being seen with foreigners when going and coming.

    *    It may be a good protocol not
to begin the journey at the NP office.
*    When deciding how many team members are needed,
more is better than less for making good decisions but we also need to
take
into account other needs/demands on the team and whether it is an
adequate use
of team resources.
*    Consider carefully who to use for a driver. 

    *    Bring food, water, and
satellite phone.  It may be best not to stop until out of a particular
area

    *    Decide route attempting to
minimize checkpoints and consider what you will say if asked at
checkpoints if
the client doesn't have an ID.

Communications
    *    Need a better way to communicate securely with
head office and each other. 
*    Consider what kind of information to share and
what not and to whom.  Ask what the client wants and also provide
information on a "need - to - know" basis.
*    When communicating with outside agencies like the UN,
we need to ask our client if it's okay to pass this information on.


Decisions
*    Take direction from the people we are serving -
the person being accompanied and their family members.  Listen to their
wishes and will.
*    Withhold giving our own opinions or advice. 
When asked, turn it back to the client by saying something like: What
do you
think? What are your ideas? 
*    Our agenda is to support our clients in their
agendas.
*    For decisions within the team, always
designate one team member to be the decision - maker when a decision
needs to
be made quickly. 
*    For team decisions, strive for consensus. 
Second possibility is to call head office in case of tension or
confusion - if
there's time.  Otherwise the designated
decision - maker must make the decision.
*    Generally, decisions should be made as local to
the implementation as possible - the team implementing the
accompaniment with
their clients.
*    Especially when discussing decisions about safety,
the clients need to be included in those discussions and decisions.

NP support for NP field teams with regard to accompaniment
    *    Identify designated drivers who might be on
call if a field team doesn't have one.
*    Do some role-plays around accompaniment at an
upcoming training/team meeting.
*    Create a checklist for what to bring on an
accompaniment journey.
*    At this point, no specifics about any
accompaniments should go out in any reports, talks, or articles outside
of NP
beyond a statement that we have provided accompaniments to some people
who have
felt in danger.
*    We might be able to share lessons learned provided
the way we talk about these doesn't reveal any specifics about any of
the
cases.
*    Guidance is needed on how to use interpreters
specifically for accompaniments.  Keep in mind implications of using
interpreters in terms of many of the points made above.
 

Jan
Passion -- Programme Officer, Nonviolent Peaceforce

Jan
Passion -- Programme Officer, Nonviolent Peaceforce
+1 (925) 687-2555

npearson's picture

Providing accompaniment

Thanks for sharing this information with us Jan.

This information seems to pertain primarily to providing accompaniment for people needing to move from one location to another. Is this just one example of accompaniment performed by Nonviolent Peaceforce teams?

I'm thinking about the types of accompaniment outlined by Liam Mahony in his "Side by Side" tactical notebook. Some of the examples he provies are: "Accompaniment can take many forms. Some threatened activists receive 24-hour-aday accompaniment. For others the presence is more sporadic. Sometimes team members spend all day on the premises of an office of a threatened organization.Sometimes they live in threatened rural villages in conflict zones."

I would be very interested to know what areas of accompaniment PBI, Nonviolent Peaceforce, the Christian Peacemaker Teams and other organizations find themselves providing most often - or where they have decided they are most effective in their accompaniment.

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics Program Manager

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics in Human Rights Program Manager

cpt_colombia's picture

Criteria for entering a country

Thank you, Jan, for a detailed description of some of the decision making done by NP.

CPT has three criteria for starting an accompaniment project:

1. We are invited by a local organization

2. There is the threat of lethal conflict

3. The U.S. or Canadian government play a role in the conflict

CPT has main offices in the U.S. and Canada and we work to change the policies in our own countries that are impacting violence worldwide. For example, the U.S. citizens on the Colombia Team also work to hold the U.S. government accountable for Plan Colombia and we have joined other U.S. peace activists to call for revisions of the Plan. Our positions on foreign policy in our home countries are very much informed by our first hand experience and by the wisdom of our Colombian partners.

As a North American based organization we know we do not have to leave our continent to find threats of lethal violence and communities needing accompaniment. We have projects in both the U.S. and Canada where we are accompanying indigenous communities and we provide accompaniment on the border with Mexico while working to change policies that threaten these communities.

Michele Braley, Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia


Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia

cpt_colombia's picture

Christian Peacemaker Teams


Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia


Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia

cpt_colombia's picture

Evaluation: When is our work done?

 

I've been thinking about the ideas
for evaluation shared by David
and Nancy
earlier this week, as well as Nancy's
question
about how to develop a community contract for accompaniment, and
thought I should write about our work towards a process.

When CPT was first invited to do
accompaniment work in Colombia
in 2001, we worked with one very threatened community, and our teams' focus was
on intensive physical accompaniment. In
those days the team didn't worry much about evaluation – people we knew were
being killed or threatened and forced to displace, and it was clear that our physical
presence reduced the risks to those communities. The level of conflict in that original
accompaniment area has reduced. Some
would credit our accompaniment, others would suggest that the political context
has changed, or armed groups have moved their focus somewhere else. So my first question is if anyone has ideas
for proving causation: of the many factors that may have resulted in reduced
violence, is there a way we can single out the effect of accompaniment?

Once the situation in the initial community
we accompanied here in Colombia
was calmer, we began reducing our presence there somewhat, allowing us to
expand our work to other communities.
We're now in the position of having to consider new requests for
accompaniment, and also to evaluate the need for accompaniment in communities
that we have been accompanying for a while.
One of the hardest questions we face is: when should we stop
accompanying a community?


We've had to start developing our own tools
to assess these questions. We have a
community profile that we're working to fill out with each community we
accompany, identifying the strengths of the community, the threats facing them,
and our best analysis as to the potential protective effects of accompaniment.
We're also developing some tools (workshops, interactive presentations) for
introducing CPT and accompaniment to communities, as well as for helping the communities
tell their story to us. The tools we're
creating are still in development, but I'd be happy to share some of what we've
done so far if others think it would be useful.

Nils Dybvig, Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia


Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia

npearson's picture

Tools for community assessment

Nils,

It would be great if you would share the kinds of tools that CPT is developing for community assessment - strengths, threats, analysis of the potential effects of accompaniment, ways to effectively introduce communities to the accompaniment process - all of that would be great to learn more about!

Evaluating impact in the field of human rights work is always a challenge. As David had indicated in his post Connecting this thread to EVALUATION that the absence of violence is a good indicator but it's still difficult to draw a direct cause and effect line.

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics Program Manager

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics in Human Rights Program Manager

sarah's picture

a story

hello everyone! its my first time posting to a discussion, ever so please excuse my awkwardness. i was a field volunteer for peace brigades international for 2 years (including language training) in Indonesia and now am on our training committe to train potential volunteers to join PBI.

i have been trying to catch up on all the past posts, and most comments leave me short of breath in excitement about this discussion happening. truthfully, though, i would much rather sit around a kitchen table and chat about this with all of you and a pot of tea.

anyway, i wanted to tell a little story of my time as a field volunteer in Wamena, West Papua, Indonesia. we were the first non-religious forgienrs to establish a long term presensce in this town of Wamena and were trying to socialize the work of PBI. it seemed that people were actually so afraid that they were rarely even doing HR work - only a very very few were willing to risk it. so we were going from village to village over the course of a few months to 'socialize' the work of PBI - in case there were any people wanting to do HR work out there but too afraid to step forward, and in these villages the only way folks would have heard of us is if someone walked there and told them.

so, we took a bus and a walk and presented the work of PBI in a small village, a bit unsure of exactly who was in the audience but sure that there were village elders, young people and police informants. no problem, PBI always works transparently so we had no secrets to keep. after shaking many hands and thanking folks for letting us present we headed back to town.

the next morning, at 7:30 am a loud knock rang out from our front door. now, most people in Wamena know that the 'bule' (foreigners) sleep late - we open the office at 9am. but a teammate answered in his pajyamas to find a man from the village we presented in yesterday at the door. he roused the rest of us and we met in the living room.

this man was a village elder (he had 12 pigs, and was therefore also very weathy) and had been up by the fire all night after our presentation and finally decided to walk to our house at about 3am, and had just arrived from walking. he had brought along a young man to translate becuase he only spoke the local dialect, not Indonesian which is the language we were speaking.

he said "my children. i have come to tell you of my suffering and thank you for being here. i cannot tell you all the things i have endured but it is so important that you are here, that you care about our safety. i feel safer today in my village knowing you are here" (im quoting from memory here)

its a simple story, really. but this was a village that had endured great suffering at the hands of the military and police in the past generations. this man knew to be afraid, and the presence of a PBI house a 4-5 hour walk away made him feel more safe.

this is one of the reasons PBI tries to maintain a long term presence in an area, doing a long assessment before opening an office or house to ensure that we will have a positive effect on opening up space for peace.

wow! that was a long post, and i hope you all dont mind. i have lots more to say about the work of PBI and the power of nonviolence, so thank you for opening the discussion and sharing so much knowledge

damai,

peace,

sarah

 

Jan Passion's picture

A story

Sarah,

 This is a powerful story indeed.  It is stories like these that reaffirm why it is that we do what we do.   It certainly wasn't too long, and I hope you continue to share with the remaining time of this discussion... and I agree, it would be nicer to be sitting around sharing this over a cup of tea...  

Jan
Passion -- Programme Officer, Nonviolent Peaceforce

Jan
Passion -- Programme Officer, Nonviolent Peaceforce
+1 (925) 687-2555

npearson's picture

A Story

Sarah,

I can't begin to tell you how thrilled I am that you took "the leap" to make your first post on in our New Tactics discussion. Your story is indeed a powerful reminder of what we do in this work - it's all about people, building and fostering human relationships that overcome fear, oppression, hatred and violence; even if those moments are so fleeting. your story is a wonderful reminer and gives us hope and determination to continue.

Even though this discussion will be "archived" it will remain open for people to continue to add ideas, comments and new developments. So if you and others have joined the discussion by e-mail or RSS feed; you'll get the updated comment no matter when it is posted.

I'm so glad that you've found the discussion exciting and useful.

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics Program Manager

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics in Human Rights Program Manager

kantin's picture

Re: a story - keep the dialogue going!

Hi Sarah,

 Welcome to our online discussion, and thank you for the uplifting story. I'm so glad that you find this discussion interesting, and hopefully useful to your work. 

I agree that chatting over tea would be ideal, but this is the best forum we could come up with at the moment since we are participating from all over the world. 

I would encourage you, and anyone else interested, to form your own networks from this discussion.  Because you are a member of the New Tactics Community, you are able to contact any other member of this commuity by viewing their profile and clicking 'contact'.

Skype is always a great way to communicate with others via the internet in real-time...and it's free!

Or you could create a group on this New Tactics website for those interested in further discussing the topic of 'Unarmed Accompaniment'.

Please feel free to contact me directly if any of these interest you and you need some help getting it started - kantin [at] cvt [dot] org.

Thank you for your participation!

Kristin Antin, New Tactics Online Community Builder

Kristin Antin, New Tactics Online Community Builder

Jan Passion's picture

Providing accompaniment

Nancy -

yes I should have mentioned this is just one type of accompaniment model and guidelines for such a model.  NP Sri Lanka has both similar and different methods than NP-Guatemala or NP-Philippines.  I suspect that each NGO may provide different types, both in the same country and between country projects...   24/7 accompaniment is a whole different situation, as it accompaniment, or presence in a community.  I would welcome more stories from others about experiences, successes, lessons learned from other accompaniment models.   

Jan
Passion -- Programme Officer, Nonviolent Peaceforce

Jan
Passion -- Programme Officer, Nonviolent Peaceforce
+1 (925) 687-2555

cpt_colombia's picture

Colombians accompanying Colombians

I wonder if we are one of a few (maybe the only?) accompaniment organizations that includes people from in country as accompaniers.  Our team in Colombia includes Colombians, US citizens and Canadians.

 I am thankful to work along side Colombian team mates and because of Sandra and Julián our current team is richer in language ability, cultural competency and historical and political knowledge.

Recognizing the security benefits (for our partners and for ourselves) of having  "outsiders" provide accompaniment, we have decided that we will not send a team of two Colombians on an accompaniment. We also believe that there are too many risks and potential conflicts of interest to provide accompaniment by people from a community we are accompanying. For that reason, we do not recruit from within the communities where we live and work. 

 Michele Braley, Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia


Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia

npearson's picture

Colombians accompanying Colombians

Michele, thanks for sharing this important operationalization of how CPT works in Colombia.

I wanted to just clarify then when you say, "we will not send a team of two Colombians on an accompaniment" and "we do not recruit from within the communities where we live and work".

Does this mean that when you provide accompaniment, you always have at least one foreign and one local person providing that accompaniment AND that the local person who is providing that accompaniment does not come from that immediate community but from some other community in their home country?

Am I understanding that correctly? If so, how do are Colombian teammates join CPT and is there a kind of "distance" rule that applies. For example, do they need to live a certain number of kilometers away from the community they are protecting? Do they find themselves and their own families at risk because of the accompaniment work they are doing with CPT?

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics Program Manager

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics in Human Rights Program Manager

cpt_colombia's picture

criteria to include Colombians in Colombian accompaniment

 Thanks for your clarifying questions, Nancy, in regard to Colombians accomapanying Colombians. I  knew my short post might raise more questions than it answered! 

 Members of the Colombia Team might answer your questions differently because our team continues to struggle with these questions. In including Colombians on our team yet limiting the ways in which they can provide accompaniment our team has to face direclty the racist assumptions and privileged positions behind international accompaniment.  I will try to sum up our recent thinking on these issues acknowledging that these are my interpretations and that we do not have firm policies on these tricky topics.

 We always accompany in teams of two. The accompaniment team can be made up of two internationals, or one Colombian and one international, but two Colombians never accompany together.  This raises the uncomfortable question of how many Colombians on our team would be "too many" and would limit our ability to do accompaniment work if two Colombians do not accompany together.

 When we say Colombians can not come from the communities we accompany this also raises a gray area.  We do not set a geographically boundary on this because that is too strict of an interpretation of who is a member of a communinity. For example, if a Colombian had roots in another part of the country and had recently transplanted to the area for work, we might decide, in consultation with our Colombian advisors, that they do not pose a particular security risk to us or our partners.  On the other hand, a Colombian might have lived their entire life in another part of the country but one of their relatives is a high profile leader where we work and that is how they learned about CPT and we might decide they are not a good fit for the team. So, its complicated, and we have to review each application individually and with advice from our Colombian advisors.  To recruit new Colombian CPTers we generally reach out to our networks of trusted partners outside of Barrancabermeja.

In the 5 years the team has included Colombians, I do not know of any threats or risks to the Colombians that are different than those faced by the non-Colombians.


Michele Braley, Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia


Christian Peacemaker Teams - Barrancabermeja, Colombia

theo roncken's picture

some local input from Bolivia

Dear participants,

Please receive best wishes and a few humble
contributions from Bolivia. I'm sorry to have stepped in so late in
this interesting debate but I'm glad to still be in time. Acción
Andina, the Bolivian organisation that I work with for 14 years, is one
of the 80 Nonviolent Peaceforce's Member Organisations. This platform
organisation was created in 1992 and at the time one of its main
reasons of being was the accompaniment of coca growing communities and
other  victims of the War on Drugs (imprisoned families, for
example). In later years we broadened our focus. Today, one of our main
focal points is the articulation and strenghtening of local capacities
in dealing with a growing tendency to use violence not only
structurally (in daily life) but also tactically during political
events.

After reading most of the posted blogs, I wish to share
some thoughts from our experiences. My first comment is the need, in
any international debate, to recognize and emphasize  the
existence of local peace-keeping capacities. Although I'm sure
that  members of international organisations working in the field
of unarmed civilian accompaniment usually agree on the prevailing
importance of local peace work, I also feel that this local work is
often being visualized as mostly related to "peacemaking" and 
"peacebuilding", and less so to "peacekeeping". I have not seen much
mention of and reflection on local experiences of protective
accompaniment, and I'm sure that, as in Bolivia, there must be many in
other countries as well. Please tell me if my perception is wrong.

I
do understand that international civilian involvement often focuses on
those regions where that kind of presence is dearly needed. I think
though, that the developing international debate on the Bolivian
situation clearly shows how underestimating the role of local civil
society might dangerously result in the prevailence of proposals of
international support or intervention. In the Boliviansituatiion, what
I see as most needed on the other hand, is to support initiatives that
could help better articulate our local endeavours.

Secondly,
although related to my first point, the wish to clearly distinguish
Peacekeeping from Peacemaking and Peacebuilding, becomes even more
challenging if we focus on these local initiatives. In fifteen years of
accompaniment, Acción Andina's activities have necessarily involved all
these, and the question of where to put the focus in each situation
heavily depended on our analysis of needs and processes. This surely
depends on choice, and I do not wish to propose changes in the choices
of our international involvement, but within Nonviolent Peaceforce, it
does pose a pending challenge in terms of how to articulate the
international work with the local activities (up to what extent it is
possible to show ourselves as really being non-partisan?).

Third,
our relations to the military. Although  I agree with David that
"they" are not "our" enemies and I read Charletta's reflections about
herself and her sister with great interest (my father is a retired
military officer and although it took us several years, we've luckily
managed to become very close again), I think that in thinking about and
considering mainstreaming, "we", interested in the use of  unarmed
civilian protective presence, have to prioritize improving our own
language (the meaning of concepts to us and the communities that we
work with) in stead of just making ourselves more understandable in
"internationally accepted"  terms. This in not unimportant, but
should only be a part of our efforts to creatively reinvent the
international public space of protective accompaniment, in close
connection to what is important to the peace work of the local
communities that we work with. I very much appreciate some of Liam's
contributions that I've read, and would like us to somehow systematize
our collective wisdom on this, and dig deeper from there.

As a
quick comment on Betsy's mention of situations in which it is most
difficult to identify the source of violence. In Bolivia, we are facing
a situation in which powerful elite groups lead the forces that oppose
the threat of structural changes that are supported by strongly
organized popular sectors, deeply connected to the  indigenous
majority. A racist element has become present in many public
manifestations of political violence. Attacks are often secretly
planned by small groups and  have thus become less predictable.
Also, the popular social movements face the fact that "their"
instruments of nonviolent struggle for justice (hunger strikes,
marches, etc.) are being tactically used by opposition, They understand
that they need new approaches. It is interesting to see how older
leadership styles, often pretty much based on male dominance, are more
liable to choose violent means to oppose violence, while it is often
the women that successfully introduce nonviolent approaches. This is an
ongoing debate of great importance, and it clearly shows how men and
women not only experience violence differently, but also act
differently on violence.

OK, I'm sorry if this has become a rather long contribution. Best wishes from Cochabamba, Boiivia.

Theo

 

 

npearson's picture

Local input from Bolivia

Theo,

I'm so glad that you jumped into the discussion. It's never too late to post a comment, idea or question!

You raise critical points for exploration. I'm sure you are right, there are many local groups providing accompaniment and it would be great to have much more input, reflections and feedback from those groups and people involved in that work.

One obstacle that may be in the way of people entering this discussion to share might be the very technology tools we're using to come together. Like so many of the world's resources, this tool may not be as accessible to those groups and people - due to access to computers; internet connectivity; but also in terms of language.

Our New Tactics website has multi-language capability and we're working to develop that capacity. We are grateful and very dependent upon volunteers who help us to translate materials and as we develop the website as well. We acknowledge we have a long way to go and hope that everyone in the community will help us to do so. We welcome your feedback and ideas.

But back to one of your key points - "how men and women not only experience violence differently, but also act differently on violence" that can open up tactical possibilities. It's great that your organization is seeing the creativity of women and how critical their participation is for opening up new avenues and options.

A critical aspect of developing a wide range of tactics and understanding how tactical flexibility is necessary so we can not only respond to those who have adopted our tactics but we can initiate tactics for our ever changing conditions. It is our goal that we can share experiences in these tactical discussions that will spark new tactical innovations. Thanks for adding your spark!

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics Program Manager

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics in Human Rights Program Manager

New Tactics's picture

Continuing discussion on Unarmed Accompaniment

Dear Friends,

I want to let everyone know that even though our designated time period for our featured resouce people for this discussion has concluded, we can still continue these wonderful in-depth exchanges that have been taking place.

As Kristin indicated in her post "Re: a story - keep the dialogue going!" you can continue this discussion or even create a group on this New Tactics website for those especially interested in further discussing the topic of 'Unarmed Accompaniment'.

The New Tactics staff is ready to provide assistance and we welcome your feedback and want to respond to your needs to make this website useful to you!

Jan Passion's picture

Continuing discussion on Unarmed Accompaniment

Dear colleagues,

It was really inspiring to partcipate in this global dialog on unarmed accompaniment. I was really excited to have the cross learning between PBI, CPT, NP and others... and there was no polluting airplane tickets to purchase, nor was there any expensive hotel and conference fees.

Having the voices of those in the field, those behind desks, those who are new, those who are activists, and those who are simply curious - all welcomed into this discussion.

I am glad for New Tactics for hosting, and for everyone who has shared in this rather new convrstaion enviroment.

Paz.

Jan

Jan
Passion -- Programme Officer, Nonviolent Peaceforce

Jan
Passion -- Programme Officer, Nonviolent Peaceforce
+1 (925) 687-2555

theo roncken's picture

women dealing with violence

Cochabamba, January 31, 2008

Dear Nancy,

Thank you for
responding to and welcoming my earlier contribution from Bolivia.
I'm thankful too for the possibility to continue this multi-logue (it is
really much more than a dialogue).

Nancy, you mentioned your
interest in deepening our reflections on the specific strengthes of
women's contributions to dealing with violence. The Bolivian
sociologist Silvia Rivera recently wrote an article called: "Violence
and interculturality" (the complete article in Spanish: Violencia e
interculturalidad", is available on the internet).

In her article Rivera describes how indigenous women in the
Andes have always played a central role in defining the relations of
their communities with "external and unknown forces" (the violent
domination of Spanish colonizers among them). She refers to the term
"ritualists of the margins", used by the anthropologist Joseph
Bastien: "men have specialized in the rites that take place in the
civilized center of the community, whereas women have specialized in
the rites of the margins: at the riverside or in the altitudes where
the animals are pastured, (which is to say) in the border areas between
culture and nature, where the community enters in contactwith external
and unknown forces. This is where women -like in their weavings and
songs- domesticate the savage".

I find this comparison of
the art of building human relations across cultural differences with
the creation of weavings and songs particularly powerful. In the
conclusion of her article, Rivera writes: "To me, describing ethnics as
a (geographic) map is a male lecture, whereas ethnics from a female
point of view could easily be compared to a weaving, because of its
intercultural nature. In their weavings, the women incorporate elements
of "the other" (the unknown), in order to domesticate, to soften them,
and this is a female act by excellence."

I 'm very interested in hearing what you and other participants think of this interpretation.

Warm greetings,

Theo

npearson's picture

weavings and songs - domesticate the savage

Hi Theo,

You shared these concepts so beautifully that it evokes such strong images for me in my minds eye.

Your account reminds me of a meeting we had here at the Center for Victims of Torture a number of years ago with Professor Elizabeth Lira, a psychologist and researcher in the Center of Ethics at Universidad Jesuita Alberto Hurtado in Santiago, Chile. She was sharing that especially during the early years of the Pinochet rule the men were paralized by the abrupt and brutal changes. But because women had always operated on the fringes, although they were afraid, this did not stop them from seeking their husbands, brothers, children. They had always needed to find the spaces between.

Your image of the women weaving brought back this conversation we had with Elizabeth. Women have always operated under a wide variety of limiting and to different degress of oppressive systems (at home, in the community, and nationally). They have always had to be creative in their tactics.

Thank you for sharing these reflections - where can the article you cited be found?

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics Program Manager

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics in Human Rights Program Manager

ormaa's picture

on Unarmed accompainments in Africa

Dear all,

 I must say this is the most interesting piece of all the tactical notebooks that I have been reading. I apologize for coming on this later but before I add my two cents to the ongoing discussion please allow me to briefly introduce myself.

My name is Mohammed Ademo alias Damee (preferred family name). Originally from the country that today we know as Ethiopia, an ethnic Oromo. I am an undergraduate student at the University of Minnesota and a volunteer intern with New Tactics Project.

I took greater interest on this subject because my experience suggests lack of access/information about the presence of such humanitarian work. And also a desperate need for such non-violent intervention there is.

Five years ago I when I was still a college student in Ethiopia, my colleagues and I protested on the streets of Addis Ababa. For a simple non-violent act as asking to meet with regional government administrators to discuss the issues that we had as Oromo students some 300 of us were rounded up and taken to a police barracked. No one knew what happened to us, nor did we know whom to contact or how. Not for its historic significance but for our unjust treatment, that incident became history unnoticed by all including the human rights community. Had I known about this at that time, at least the word would have gotten out to the media or human rights groups such as this one.

On a similar raid in may 2004 prominent leaders of the Oromo self-help association called Macha-Tulema were rounded up, their office was shutdown, non-profit license revoked and 40 years of documents/records were confiscated. This is widely reported by almost all human rights group and the Ethiopian government admitted the incident alleging the organization link to Oromo Liberation Front – an unlawful (according to Ethiopian government) guerilla organization that fights to enable Oromo people (40 million of Ethiopian population) masters of their destiny.

These respected leaders spent over 3 years in highly guarded federal prison with no founded charges against them besides trumped up charges of assumed links with OLF. If they had unarmed accompaniment the government wouldn’t deny confiscating the associations properties, their fate wouldn’t remain unbeknownst to the world etc. These are just two examples of every day trials of the Oromo people. Oromo students in higher education are very vulnerable to similar abuses, two of my former classmates dying in federal police only this year.

Due to the widespread nature of the threat and with almost anyone who spoke up against the government policies/practices being a suspect and then being at a greater risk of imprisonment and torture, I would like to know how unarmed accompaniment on volunteer basis can be sustained in places like Ethiopia.

And also where the regime is known for intentionally murdering civilians and blaming the opposition for it, what would be the guarantees for the security/safety of the volunteers?

Nonetheless, I enjoyed reading everyone's comments and inspired by the work eachone of you are engaged in.

"I regard myself as a soldier, though a soldier of peace" Mahatma Gandhi

Freedom for all Oppressed Nations!! 

"I regard myself as a soldier, though a soldier of peace" Mahatma Gandhi

Freedom for all Oppressed Nations!! 

Philippe Duhamel's picture

Summary posted of Unarmed accompaniment discussion

Wonderful contributions everybody. This has been a dialogue where I have learned so much.
Because I wanted others to be able to scan the juicier parts of the discussion, without having to read the whole thing, I pulled excerpts of the dialogue into a blog post entitled In the company of accompaniment on interTactica. Thought I'd let you know.
Let me say a final word of appreciation for all of your courage, all of your dedication, all of the true humility you bring to the work for justice and peace.
I don't see any higher purpose to our existence than to help save lives, alleviate some of the uncessary suffering around us, and empower those whose life is being unjustly degraded. That's why unarmed accompaniment in violent conflict stands at the top of the most heroic actions I know about.
Thank you so much for dedicating so much of your life to such meaningful contribution.

 

--
Philippe Duhamel
http://www.interTactica.org

--

Philippe Duhamel

Intertactica — a liberation blog

npearson's picture

Use of accompaniment to disrupt all levels in the abuse process

Intervention Diagram of Unarmed Accompaniment

Hello friends,

I wanted to be sure to add to the discussion this information about the Featured Discussion resource, Side by Side: Protecting and encouraging threatened activists with unarmed international accompaniment, by Liam Mahony.

One of the useful diagrams featured in Liam's tactical notebook provides an good visual for how international presence serves as a deterrent against the use of violence. The diagram, "Intervention Pattern: 3 - Use of accompaniment to disrupt all levels in the abuse process," illustrates the various points of potential intervention carried out by those who provide accompaniment.

Liam's tactical notebook provides an excellent resource for organizations already in the field providing unarmed accompaniment as well as for those who are interested in this life-saving tactic.

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics Program Manager

Nancy Pearson, New Tactics in Human Rights Program Manager

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